OPINION OF THE COURT
NIXON V. MISSOURI MUNICIPAL LEAGUE
541 U. S. ____ (2004)
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
NOS. 02-1238, 02-1386, AND 02-1405
JEREMIAH W. (JAY) NIXON, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF
MISSOURI, PETITIONER
02–1238
v.
MISSOURI MUNICIPAL LEAGUE et al.
FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION and
UNITED STATES, PETITIONERS
02–1386
v.
MISSOURI MUNICIPAL LEAGUE et al.
SOUTHWESTERN BELL TELEPHONE, L. P., fka
SOUTHWESTERN BELL TELEPHONE COMPANY, PETITIONER
02–1405
v.
MISSOURI MUNICIPAL LEAGUE et al.
on writs of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the eighth circuit
[March 24, 2004]
Justice Souter delivered
the opinion of the Court.
Section 101(a) of the
Telecommunications Act of 1996, 110 Stat. 70, 47 U. S. C.
§253, authorizes preemption of state and local laws and regulations
expressly or effectively “prohibiting the ability of any entity” to
provide telecommunications services. The question is whether the
class of entities includes the State’s own subdivisions, so as to
affect the power of States and localities to restrict their own (or
their political inferiors’) delivery of such services. We hold it
does not.
I
In 1997, the General Assembly of
Missouri enacted the statute codified as §392.410(7) of the State’s
Revised Statutes:
“No political subdivision of this state shall
provide or offer for sale, either to the public or to a
telecommunications provider, a telecommunications service or
telecommunications facility used to provide a telecommunications
service for which a certificate of service authority is required
pursuant to this section.”[
Footnote
1]
On July 8, 1998, the municipal
respondents, including municipalities, municipal organizations, and
municipally owned utilities, petitioned the Federal Communications
Commission (FCC or Commission) for an order declaring the state
statute unlawful and preempted under 47 U. S. C §253:
“No State or local statute or regulation, or other
State or local legal requirement, may prohibit or have the effect
of prohibiting the ability of any entity to provide any interstate
or intrastate telecommunications service.” §253(a).
“If, after notice and an opportunity for public comment, the
Commission determines that a State or local government has
permitted or imposed any statute, regulation, or legal requirement
that violates subsection (a) or (b) of this section, the Commission
shall preempt the enforcement of such statute, regulation, or legal
requirement to the extent necessary to correct such violation or
inconsistency.” §253(d).
After notice and comment, the FCC
refused to declare the Missouri statute preempted,
In re
Missouri Municipal League, 16 FCC Rcd. 1157 (2001), relying on
its own earlier order resolving a challenge to a comparable Texas
law,
In re Public Utility Commission of Texas, 13 FCC
Rcd. 3460 (1997), as well as the affirming opinion of the United
States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit,
Abilene v
. FCC, 164 F. 3d 49 (1999). The
agency concluded that “the term ‘any entity’ in section 253(a) …
was not intended to include political subdivisions of the state,
but rather appears to prohibit restrictions on market entry that
apply to independent entities subject to state
regulation.”[
Footnote 2] 16 FCC
Rcd., at 1162. Like the District of Columbia Circuit in
Abilene, the FCC also adverted to the principle of
Gregory v
. Ashcroft,
501 U. S. 452 (1991),
that Congress needs to be clear before it constrains traditional
state authority to order its government. 16 FCC Rcd., at 1169. But
at the same time the Commission rejected preemption, it also
denounced the policy behind the Missouri statute,
id., at
1162–1163, and the Commission’s order carried two appended
statements (one for Chairman William E. Kennard and Commissioner
Gloria Tristani,
id., at 1172, and one by Commissioner
Susan Ness,
id., at 1173) to the effect that barring
municipalities from providing telecommunications substantially
disserved the policy behind the Telecommunications Act.
The municipal respondents appealed to the
Eighth Circuit, where a panel unanimously reversed the agency
disposition, 299 F. 3d 949 (2002), with the explanation that
the plain-vanilla “entity,” especially when modified by “any,”
manifested sufficiently clear congressional attention to
governmental entities to get past
Gregory. 299 F. 3d,
at 953–955. The decision put the Eighth Circuit at odds with the
District of Columbia Circuit’s
Abilene opinion, and we
granted certiorari to resolve the conflict.
539 U. S. 941 (2003). We
now reverse.
II
At the outset, it is well to put
aside two considerations that appear in this litigation but fall
short of supporting the municipal respondents’ hopes for prevailing
on their generous conception of preemption under §253. The first is
public policy, on which the respondents have at the least a
respectable position, that fencing governmental entities out of the
telecommunications business flouts the public interest. There are,
of course, arguments on the other side, against government
participation: in a business substantially regulated at the state
level, regulation can turn into a public provider’s weapon against
private competitors, see,
e.g., Brief for Petitioner
Southwestern Bell in No. 02–1405 et al., pp. 17–18; and
(if things turn out bad) government utilities that fail leave the
taxpayers with the bills. Still, the Chairman of the FCC and
Commissioner Tristani minced no words in saying that participation
of municipally owned entities in the telecommunications business
would “further the goal of the 1996 Act to bring the benefits of
competition to all Americans, particularly those who live in small
or rural communities in which municipally-owned utilities have
great competitive potential.” 16 FCC Rcd., at 1172. Commissioner
Ness said much the same, and a number of
amicus briefs in
this litigation argue the competitive advantages of letting
municipalities furnish telecommunications services, drawing on the
role of government operators in extending the electric power lines
early in the last century. Brief for City of Abilene et al. as
Amici Curiae 14–18; Brief for Consumer Federation of
America as
Amicus Curiae 7. As we will try to explain,
however,
infra, at 6–10, it does not follow that
preempting state or local barriers to governmental entry into the
market would be an effective way to draw municipalities into the
business, and in any event the issue here does not turn on the
merits of municipal telecommunications services.
The second consideration that
fails to answer the question posed in this litigation is the
portion of the text that has received great emphasis. The Eighth
Circuit trained its analysis on the words “any entity,” left
undefined by the statute, with much weight being placed on the
modifier “any.” But concentration on the writing on the page does
not produce a persuasive answer here. While an “entity” can be
either public or private, compare,
e.g., 42 U.
S. C. A. §9604(k)(1) (Supp. 2003) (defining “eligible
entity” as a state or local government body or its agent) with 26
U. S. C. §269B(c)(1) (defining “entity” as “any corporation,
partnership, trust, association, estate, or other form of carrying
on a business or activity”), there is no convention of omitting the
modifiers “public and private” when both are meant to be covered.
See,
e.g., 42 U. S. C. §2000d–7(a)(2) (exposing
States to remedies in antidiscrimination suits comparable to those
available “against any public or private entity other than a
State”). Nor is coverage of public entities reliably signaled by
speaking of “any” entity; “any” can and does mean different things
depending upon the setting. Compare,
e.g.,
United
States v
. Gonzales,
520 U. S. 1, 5 (1997)
(suggesting an expansive meaning of the term “ ‘any other term
of imprisonment’ ” to include state as well as federal
sentences), with
Raygor v
. Regents of Univ. of
Minnesota,
534
U. S. 533, 542–546 (2002) (implying a narrow interpretation of
the phrase “ ‘any claim asserted’ ” so as to exclude
certain claims dismissed on Eleventh Amendment grounds). To get at
Congress’s understanding, what is needed is a broader frame of
reference, and in this litigation it helps if we ask how Congress
could have envisioned the preemption clause actually working if the
FCC applied it at the municipal respondents’ urging. See,
e.g.,
New Jersey Realty Title Ins. Co. v
.
Division of Tax Appeals of N. J.,
338 U. S. 665, 673
(1950) (enquiring into the “the practical operation and effect” of
a state tax on federal bonds). We think that the strange and
indeterminate results of using federal preemption to free public
entities from state or local limitations is the key to
understanding that Congress used “any entity” with a limited
reference to any private entity when it cast the preemption
net.
III
A
In familiar instances of
regulatory preemption under the Supremacy Clause, a federal measure
preempting state regulation in some precinct of economic conduct
carried on by a private person or corporation simply leaves the
private party free to do anything it chooses consistent with the
prevailing federal law. If federal law, say, preempts state
regulation of cigarette advertising, a cigarette seller is left
free from advertising restrictions imposed by a State, which is
left without the power to control on that matter. See,
e.g.,
Lorillard Tobacco Co. v
. Reilly,
533 U. S. 525,
540–553 (2001). On the subject covered, state law just drops
out.
But no such simple result would
follow from federal preemption meant to unshackle local governments
from entrepreneurial limitations. The trouble is that a local
government’s capacity to enter an economic market turns not only on
the effect of straightforward economic regulation below the
national level (including outright bans), but on the authority and
potential will of governments at the state or local level to
support entry into the market. Preemption of the state advertising
restriction freed a seller who otherwise had the legal authority to
advertise and the money to do it if that made economic sense. But
preempting a ban on government utilities would not accomplish much
if the government could not point to some law authorizing it to run
a utility in the first place. And preemption would make no
difference to anyone if the state regulator were left with control
over funding needed for any utility operation and declined to pay
for it. In other words, when a government regulates itself (or the
subdivision through which it acts) there is no clear distinction
between the regulator and the entity regulated. Legal limits on
what may be done by the government itself (including its
subdivisions) will often be indistinguishable from choices that
express what the government wishes to do with the authority and
resources it can command. That is why preempting state or local
governmental self-regulation (or regulation of political inferiors)
would work so differently from preempting regulation of private
players that we think it highly unlikely that Congress intended to
set off on such uncertain adventures. A few hypotheticals may bring
the point home.
B
Hypotheticals have to rest on
some understanding of what §253 means when it describes subjects of
its preemption as laws or regulations that prohibit, expressly or
in effect, “the ability of any entity” to provide
telecommunications. The reference to “ability” complicates things.
In customary usage, we speak simply of prohibiting a natural or
legal person from doing something. To speak in terms of prohibiting
their ability to provide a service may mean something different: it
may mean denying the entity a capacity or authority to act in the
first place. But this is not clear, and it is possible that a law
prohibiting the ability to provide telecommunications means a law
that limits or cuts back on some preexisting authority (under a
different law) to go into the telecommunications business.
If the scope of law subject to
preemption under §253 has the former, broader, meaning, consider
how preemption would apply to a state statute authorizing
municipalities to operate specified utilities, to provide water and
electricity but nothing else.[
Footnote 3] The enumeration would certainly have the
effect of prohibiting a municipally owned and operated electric
utility from entering the telecommunications business (as Congress
clearly meant private electric companies to be able to do, see
S. Rep. No. 103–367, p. 55 (1994)) and its implicit
prohibition would thus be open to FCC preemption. But what if the
FCC did preempt the restriction? The municipality would be free of
the statute, but freedom is not authority, and in the absence of
some further, authorizing legislation the municipality would still
be powerless to enter the telecommunications business. There is,
after all, no argument that the Telecommunications Act of 1996 is
itself a source of federal authority granting municipalities local
power that state law does not.
Now assume that §253 has the narrower
construction (preempting only laws that restrict authority derived
from a different legal source). Consider a State with plenary
authority itself, under its constitution, to operate any variety of
utility.[
Footnote 4] Assume
that its statutes authorized a state-run utility to deliver
electric and water services, but drew the line at
telecommunications. The restrictive element of that limited
authorization would run afoul of §253 as respondents would construe
it. But if, owing to preemption, the state operating utility
authority were suddenly free to provide telecommunications and its
administrators were raring to enter this new field, where would the
necessary capital come from? Surely there is no contention that the
Telecommunications Act of 1996 by its own force entails a state
agency’s entitlement to unappropriated funds from the state
treasury, or to the exercise of state bonding authority.
Or take the application of §253 preemption to
municipalities empowered by state law to furnish services
generally, but forbidden by a special statute to exercise that
power for the purpose of providing telecommunications services. If
the special statute were preempted, a municipality in that State
would have a real option to enter the telecommunications business
if its own legislative arm so chose and funded the venture. But in
a State next door where municipalities lacked such general
authority, a local authority would not be able to, and the result
would be a national crazy quilt. We will presumably get a crazy
quilt, of course, as a consequence of state and local political
choices arrived at in the absence of any preemption under §253, but
the crazy quilt of this hypothetical would result not from free
political choices but from the fortuitous interaction of a federal
preemption law with the forms of municipal authorization law.
Finally, consider the result if a State that
previously authorized municipalities to operate a number of
utilities including telecommunications changed its law by narrowing
the range of authorization. Assume that a State once authorized
municipalities to furnish water, electric, and communications
services, but sometime after the passage of §253 narrowed the
authorization so as to leave municipalities authorized to enter
only the water business. The repealing statute would have a
prohibitory effect on the prior ability to deliver
telecommunications service and would be subject to preemption. But
that would mean that a State that once chose to provide broad
municipal authority could not reverse course. A State next door,
however, starting with a legal system devoid of any authorization
for municipal utility operation, would at the least be free to
change its own course by authorizing its municipalities to venture
forth. The result, in other words, would be the federal creation of
a one-way ratchet. A State or municipality could give the power,
but it could not take it away later. Private counterparts could
come and go from the market at will, for after any federal
preemption they would have a free choice to compete or not to
compete in telecommunications; governmental providers could never
leave (or, at least, could not leave by a forthright choice to
change policy), for the law expressing the government’s decision to
get out would be preempted.
The municipal respondents’ answer to the
one-way ratchet, and indeed to a host of the incongruities that
would follow from preempting governmental restriction on the
exercise of its own power, is to rely on §253(b), which insulates
certain state actions taken “on a competitively neutral basis.”
Respondents contend that a State or municipality would be able to
make a competitively neutral change of mind to leave the
telecommunications market after deciding earlier to enter it or
authorize entry. Tr. of Oral Arg. 32–33.
But we think this is not much of an answer.
The FCC has understood §253(b) neutrality to require a statute or
regulation affecting all types of utilities in like fashion, as a
law removing only governmental entities from telecommunications
could not be. See,
e.g.,
In re Federal-State
Joint Board on Universal Service, 15 FCC Rcd. 15168,
15175–15178, ¶ ;¶ ; 19–24 (2000) (declaratory ruling). An even more
fundamental weakness in respondents’ answer is shown in briefs
filed by
amici City of Abilene and Consumer Federation of
America. We have no reason to doubt them when they explain how
highly unlikely it is that a state decision to withdraw would be
“neutral” in any sense of the word. There is every reason to expect
just the contrary, that legislative choices in this arena would
reflect the intent behind the intense lobbying directed to those
choices, manifestly intended to impede, not enhance, competition.
See,
e.g., Chen, Legal Process and Political Economy of
Telecommunications Reform, 97 Colum. L. Rev. 835, 866–868
(1997). After all, the notion that the legislative process
addressing governmental utility authority is susceptible to capture
by competition-averse private utilities is fully consistent with
(and one reason for) the FCC’s position that statutes like
Missouri’s disserve the policy objects of the Telecommunications
Act of 1996. Given the unlikely application of §253(b) to state or
local choices driven by policy, not business failure, the fair
conclusion is that §253(a), if read respondents’ way, would allow
governments to move solely toward authorizing telecommunications
operation, with no alternative to reverse course deliberately later
on.
In sum, §253 would not work like a normal
preemptive statute if it applied to a governmental unit. It would
often accomplish nothing, it would treat States differently
depending on the formal structures of their laws authorizing
municipalities to function, and it would hold out no promise of a
national consistency. We think it farfetched that Congress meant
§253 to start down such a road in the absence of any clearer signal
than the phrase “ability of any entity.” See,
e.g.,
United States v
. American Trucking Assns., Inc.,
310 U. S. 534,
543 (1940) (Court will not construe a statute in a manner that
leads to absurd or futile results).
C
Justice Stevens
contends that in our use of the hypothetical examples to illustrate
the implausibility of the municipal respondents’ reading of §253,
we read the statute in a way that produces anomalous results
unnecessarily, whereas a simpler interpretation carrying fewer
unhappy consequences is available. The dissent emphasizes the word
“ability” in the phrase “prohibits or has the effect of prohibiting
the ability of any entity” to furnish telecommunications. With its
focus on this word, the dissent concludes that “§253 prohibits
States from withdrawing municipalities’ pre-existing authority to
enter the telecommunications business, but does not command that
States affirmatively grant either that authority or the means with
which to carry it out.” Post, at 5. Thus, if a State
leaves an earlier grant of authority on the books while limiting it
with a legislative ban on telecommunications, the new statute would
be preempted, and presumably preemption would also defeat a State’s
attempted withdrawal of municipalities’ authority by repealing the
preexisting authorization itself.
But on the very next
page, Justice Stevens allows (in the course of disagreeing about
the one-way ratchet) that “[a] State may withdraw comprehensive
authorization in favor of enumerating specific municipal powers
… .” Post, at 6. It turns out, in other words, that
withdrawals of preexisting authority are not (or not inevitably, at
any rate) subject to preemption. The dissent goes on to clarify
that it means to distinguish between withdrawals of authority that
are competitively neutral in the sense of being couched in general
terms (and therefore not properly the subject of preemption), and
those in which the repealing law expressly targets
telecommunications (and therefore properly preempted). “[T]he one
thing a State may not do,” the dissent explains, “is enact a
statute or regulation specifically aimed at preventing
municipalities or other entities from providing telecommunications
services.” But the practical implication of that interpretation is
to read out of §253 the words “or ha[s] the effect of prohibiting,”
by which Congress signaled its willingness to preempt laws that
produce the unwanted effect, even if they do not advertise their
prohibitory agenda on their faces. Even if §253 permitted such a
formalistic distinction between implicit and explicit repeals of
authority, the result would be incoherence of policy; whether the
issue is viewed through the lens of preventing anticompetitive
action or the lens of state autonomy from federal interference,
there is no justification for preempting only those laws that
self-consciously interfere with the delivery of telecommunications
services. In short, instead of supplying a more straightforward
interpretation of §253, the dissent ends up reading it in a way
that disregards its plain language and entails a policy consequence
that Congress could not possibly have intended.
IV
The municipal
respondents’ position holds sufficient promise of futility and
uncertainty to keep us from accepting it, but a complementary
principle would bring us to the same conclusion even on the
assumption that preemption could operate straightforwardly to
provide local choice, as in some instances it might. Preemption
would, for example, leave a municipality with a genuine choice to
enter the telecommunications business when state law provided
general authority and a newly unfettered municipality wished to
fund the effort. But the liberating preemption would come only by
interposing federal authority between a State and its municipal
subdivisions, which our precedents teach, “are created as
convenient agencies for exercising such of the governmental powers
of the State as may be entrusted to them in its absolute
discretion.” Wisconsin Public Intervenor v.
Mortier, 501 U.
S. 597, 607–608 (1991) (internal quotation marks, citations,
and alterations omitted); Columbus v. Ours Garage
& Wrecker Service, Inc., 536 U. S. 424, 433
(2002). Hence the need to invoke our working assumption that
federal legislation threatening to trench on the States’
arrangements for conducting their own governments should be treated
with great skepticism, and read in a way that preserves a State’s
chosen disposition of its own power, in the absence of the plain
statement Gregory requires. What we have said already is
enough to show that §253(a) is hardly forthright enough to pass
Gregory: “ability of any entity” is not limited to one
reading, and neither statutory structure nor legislative history
points unequivocally to a commitment by Congress to treat
governmental telecommunications providers on par with private
firms. The want of any “unmistakably clear” statement to that
effect, 501 U. S., at 460, would be fatal to respondents’
reading.
The judgment of the
Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit is, accordingly,
reversed.
It is so ordered.
Footnote 1
The provision is subject to some
exceptions not pertinent here, and as originally enacted the law
was set to expire in 2002. The assembly later pushed the expiration
date ahead to 2007. Mo. Rev. Stat. §392.410(7) (Supp.
2003).
Footnote 2
The line between “political
subdivision” and “independent entity” the FCC located by reference
to state law. By its terms, the FCC order declined to preempt the
statute as it applied to municipally owned utilities not chartered
as independent corporations, on the theory that under controlling
Missouri law, they were subdivisions of the State. 16 FCC Rcd., at
1158. The Commission implied an opposite view, however, regarding
the status, under §253, of municipal utilities that had been
separately chartered. Ibid. The question whether §253
preempts state and municipal regulation of these types of entities
is not before us, and we express no view as to its proper
resolution.
Footnote 3
The hypothetical city, in other
words, is “general law” rather than “home rule.” See City of
Lockhart v. United States, 460 U. S. 125, 127
(1983) (In contrast to a general law city, a home rule city has
state constitutional authority to do whatever is not specifically
prohibited by state legislation).
Footnote 4
The Court granted certiorari
solely to consider whether municipalities are subsumed under the
rubric “any entity,” and our holding reaches only that question.
There is, nevertheless, a logical affinity between the question
presented and the hypothetical situation in which a State were to
decide, directly or effectively, against its own delivery of
telecommunications services.
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