SOTOMAYOR, J., DISSENTING
PLIVA, INC. V. MENSING
564 U. S. ____ (2011)
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
NOS. 09-993, 09-1039, AND 09-1501
PLIVA, INC., et al., PETITIONERS
09–993
v.
GLADYS MENSING
ACTAVIS ELIZABETH, LLC, PETITIONER
09–1039 v.
GLADYS MENSING
ACTAVIS, INC., PETITIONER
09–1501 v.
JULIE DEMAHY
on writs of certiorari to the united states
courts of appeals for the eighth and fifth circuits
[June 23, 2011]
Justice Sotomayor, with
whom Justice Ginsburg, Justice Breyer, and Justice Kagan join,
dissenting.
The Court today invokes the
doctrine of impossibility pre-emption to hold that federal law
immunizes generic-drug manufacturers from all state-law
failure-to-warn claims because they cannot unilaterally change
their la-bels. I cannot agree. We have traditionally held
defendants claiming impossibility to a demanding standard: Until
today, the mere possibility of impossibility had not been enough to
establish pre-emption.
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA)
permits—and, the Court assumes, requires—generic-drug manufacturers
to propose a label change to the FDA when they believe that their
labels are inadequate. If it agrees that the labels are inadequate,
the FDA can initiate a change to the brand-name label, triggering a
corresponding change to the generic labels. Once that occurs, a
generic manufacturer is in full compliance with both federal law
and a state-law duty to warn. Although generic manufacturers may be
able to show impossibility in some cases, petitioners, generic
manufacturers of metoclopramide (Manufacturers), have shown only
that they
might have been unable to comply with both
federal law and their state-law duties to warn respondents Gladys
Mensing and Julie Demahy. This, I would hold, is insufficient to
sustain their burden.
The Court strains to reach the opposite
conclusion. It invents new principles of pre-emption law out of
thin air to justify its dilution of the impossibility standard. It
effectively rewrites our decision in
Wyeth v.
Levine,
555 U. S. 555 (2009), which holds that
federal law does not pre-empt failure-to-warn claims against
brand-name drug manufacturers. And a plurality of the Court tosses
aside our repeated admonition that courts should hesitate to
conclude that Congress intended to pre-empt state laws governing
health and safety. As a result of today’s decision, whether a
consumer harmed by inadequate warnings can obtain relief turns
solely on the happenstance of whether her pharmacist filled her
prescription with a brand-name or generic drug. The Court gets one
thing right: This outcome “makes little sense.”
Ante, at
18.
I
A
Today’s decision affects 75
percent of all prescription drugs dispensed in this country. The
dominant position of generic drugs in the prescription drug market
is the result of a series of legislative measures, both federal and
state.
In 1984, Congress enacted the
Drug Price Competi- tion and Patent Term Restoration Act, 98 Stat.
1585—commonly known as the Hatch-Waxman Amendments to the Federal
Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FDCA)—to “make available more low
cost generic drugs by establishing a generic drug approval
procedure,” H. R. Rep. No. 98–857, pt. 1, p. 14 (1984).
As the majority explains, to accomplish this goal the amendments
establish an abbreviated application process for generic drugs.
Ante, at 5–6; see also 21 U. S. C. §355(j)(2)(A). The
abbreviated approval process implements the amendments’ core
principle that generic and brand-name drugs must be the “same” in
nearly all respects: To obtain FDA approval, a generic manufacturer
must ordinarily show, among other things, that its product has the
same active ingredients as an approved brand-name drug; that “the
route of adminis-tration, the dosage form, and the strength of the
new drug are the same” as the brand-name drug; and that its product
is “bioequivalent” to the brand-name drug. §§355(j)(2)(A)(ii),
(iii), (iv). By eliminating the need for generic manufacturers to
prove their drugs’ safety and efficacy independently, the
Hatch-Waxman Amendments allow generic manufacturers to bring drugs
to market much less expensively.
The States have also acted to expand
consumption of low-cost generic drugs. In the years leading up to
passage of the Hatch-Waxman Amendments, States enacted legislation
authorizing pharmacists to substitute generic drugs when filling
prescriptions for brand-name drugs. Christensen, Kirking, Ascione,
Welage, & Gaither, Drug Product Selection: Legal Issues, 41 J.
Am. Pharmaceutical Assn. 868, 869 (2001). Currently, all States
have some form of generic substitution law. See
ibid. Some
States require generic substitution in certain circumstances. Dept.
of Health and Human Servs., ASPE Issue Brief: Expanding the Use of
Generic Drugs 7 (2010) (hereinafter Expanding the Use of Generic
Drugs);[
Footnote 1] see,
e.g., N. Y. Educ. Law Ann. §6816–a (West 2010).
Others permit, but do not require, substitution. Expanding the Use
of Generic Drugs 7; see,
e.g., Cal. Bus. & Prof. Code
Ann. §4073 (West Supp. 2011). Some States require patient consent
to substitution, and all States “allow the physician to specify
that the brand name must be prescribed, although with different
levels of effort from the physician.” Expanding the Use of Generic
Drugs 7.[
Footnote 2]
These legislative efforts to expand production
and consumption of generic drugs have proved wildly successful. It
is estimated that in 1984, when the Hatch-Waxman Amendments were
enacted, generic drugs constituted 19 percent of drugs sold in this
country. Congressional Bud-get Office, How Increased Competition
from Generic Drugs Has Affected Prices and Returns in the
Pharmaceutical Industry 27 (1998).[
Footnote 3] Today, they dominate the market. See Expanding
the Use of Generic Drugs 2 (generic drugs constituted 75 percent of
all dispensed prescription drugs in 2009). Ninety percent of drugs
for which a generic version is available are now filled with
generics.
Id., at 3–4. In many cases, once generic
versions of a drug enter the market, the brand-name manufacturer
stops selling the brand-name drug altogether. See Brief for Marc T.
Law et al. as
Amici Curiae 18 (citing studies showing
that anywhere from one-third to one-half of generic drugs no longer
have a marketed brand-name equivalent). Reflecting the success of
their products, many generic manufacturers, including the
Manufacturers and their
amici, are huge, multinational
companies. In total, generic drug manufacturers sold an estimated
$66 billion of drugs in this country in 2009. See
id., at
15.
B
As noted, to obtain FDA approval
a generic manufacturer must generally show that its drug is the
same as an approved brand-name drug. It need not conduct clinical
trials to prove the safety and efficacy of the drug. This does not
mean, however, that a generic manufacturer has no duty under
federal law to ensure the safety of its products. The FDA has
limited resources to conduct postapproval monitoring of drug
safety. See
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 578. Manufacturers, we
have recognized, “have superior access to information about their
drugs, especially in the postmarketing phase as new risks emerge.”
Id., at 578–579. Federal law thus obliges drug
manufacturers—both brand-name and generic—to monitor the safety of
their products.
Under federal law, generic
manufacturers must “develop written procedures for the
surveillance, receipt, evaluation, and reporting of postmarketing
adverse drug experiences” to the FDA.[
Footnote 4] 21 CFR §314.80(b);[
Footnote 5] see also §314.98 (making §314.80 applicable to
generic manufacturers); Brief for United States as
Amicus
Curiae 6, and n. 2 (hereinafter U. S. Brief). They must
review all reports of adverse drug experiences received from “any
source.” §314.80(b). If a manufacturer receives a report of a
serious and unexpected adverse drug experience, it must re-port the
event to the FDA within 15 days and must “promptly investigate.”
§§314.80(c)(1)(i)–(ii); see also Tr. of Oral Arg. 8. Most other
adverse drug experiences must be reported on a quarterly or yearly
basis.[
Footnote 6]
§314.80(c)(2). Generic manufacturers must also submit to the FDA an
annual report summarizing “significant new information from the
previous year that might affect the safety, ef-fectiveness, or
labeling of the drug product,” including a “description of actions
the [manufacturer] has taken or intends to take as a result of this
new information.” §314.81(b)(2)(i); see also §314.98(c).
Generic manufacturers, the majority assumes,
also bear responsibility under federal law for monitoring the
adequacy of their warnings. I agree with the majority’s conclusion
that generic manufacturers are not permitted unilaterally to change
their labels through the “changes-being-effected” (CBE) process or
to issue additional warnings through “Dear Doctor” letters. See
ante, at 6–9. According to the FDA, however, that generic
manufacturers cannot disseminate additional warnings on their own
does not mean that federal law permits them to remain idle when
they conclude that their labeling is inadequate. FDA regulations
require that labeling “be revised to include a warning as soon as
there is reasonable evidence of an association of a serious hazard
with a drug.” 21 CFR §201.57(e) (2006), currently codified at 21
CFR §201.80(e) (2010); see also
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at
570–571. The FDA construes this regulation to oblige generic
manufacturers “to seek to revise their labeling and provide FDA
with supporting information about risks” when they believe that
additional warnings are necessary.[
Footnote 7] U. S. Brief 20.
The Manufacturers disagree. They read the FDA
regulation to require them only to ensure that their labels match
the brand-name labels. See Brief for Petitioner PLIVA et al.
38–41. I need not decide whether the regulation in fact obliges
generic manufacturers to approach the FDA to propose a label
change. The majority assumes that it does. And even if generic
manufacturers do not have a duty to propose label changes, two
points remain undisputed. First, they do have a duty under federal
law to monitor the safety of their products. And, second, they may
approach the FDA to propose a label change when they believe a
change is required.
II
This brings me to the
Manufacturers’ pre-emption defense. State law obliged the
Manufacturers to warn of dangers to users. See
Hines v.
Remington Arms Co., 94–0455, p. 10 (La. 12/8/94), 648
So. 2d 331, 337;
Frey v.
Montgomery Ward &
Co., 258 N. W. 2d 782, 788 (Minn. 1977). The
Manufacturers contend, and the majority agrees, that federal law
pre-empts respondents’ failure-to-warn claims because, under
federal law, the Manufac-turers could not have provided additional
warnings to respondents without the exercise of judgment by the
FDA. I cannot endorse this novel conception of impossibility
pre-emption.
A
Two principles guide all
pre-emption analysis. First, “ ‘the purpose of Congress is the
ultimate touchstone in every pre-emption case.’ ”
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 565 (quoting
Medtronic, Inc.
v.
Lohr,
518 U. S. 470, 485
(1996)). Second, “ ‘[i]n all pre-emption cases, and
particularly in those in which Congress has legislated . . . in a
field which the States have traditionally occupied, . . . we start
with the assumption that the historic police powers of the States
were not to be superseded by the Federal Act unless that was the
clear and manifest purpose of Congress.’ ”
Wyeth, 555
U. S., at 565 (quoting
Lohr, 518 U. S., at 485; some
internal quotation marks omitted; alterations in original).
These principles find particular
resonance in these cases. The States have traditionally regulated
health and safety matters. See
id., at 485.
Notwithstanding Congress’ “certain awareness of the prevalence of
state tort litigation” against drug manufacturers,
Wyeth,
555 U. S., at 575, Congress has not expressly pre-empted state-law
tort actions against prescription drug manufacturers, whether
brand-name or generic. To the contrary, when Congress amended the
FDCA in 1962 to “enlarg[e] the FDA’s powers to ‘protect the public
health’ and ‘assure the safety, effectiveness, and reliability of
drugs,’ [it] took care to preserve state law.”
Id., at 567
(quoting 76 Stat. 780); see Pub. L. 87–781, §202, 76 Stat. 793
(“Nothing in the amendments made by this Act to the [FDCA] shall be
construed as invalidating any provision of State law which would be
valid in the absence of such amendments un- less there is a direct
and positive conflict between such amendments and such provision of
State law”). Notably, although Congress enacted an express
pre-emption provision for medical devices in 1976, see Pub. L.
94–295, §521, 90 Stat. 574, 21 U. S. C. §360k(a), it included
no such provision in the Hatch-Waxman Amendments eight years later.
Cf.
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 567, 574–575. Congress’ “silence
on the issue . . . is powerful evidence that [it] did not intend
FDA oversight to be the exclusive means of ensuring drug safety and
effectiveness.”
Id., at 575.
B
Federal law impliedly pre-empts
state law when state and federal law “conflict”—
i.e., when
“it is impossible for a private party to comply with both state and
federal law” or when state law “stands as an obstacle to the
accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of
Congress.”
Crosby v.
National Foreign Trade
Council,
530 U.
S. 363, 372–373 (2000) (internal quotation marks omitted). The
Manufacturers rely solely on the former ground of pre-emption.
Impossibility pre-emption, we
have emphasized, “is a de-manding defense.”
Wyeth, 555 U.
S., at 573. Because pre-emption is an affirmative defense, a
defendant seeking to set aside state law bears the burden to prove
impossibility. See
ibid.; Silkwood v.
Kerr-McGee Corp.,
464 U. S. 238, 255
(1984). To prevail on this defense, a defendant must demonstrate
that “compliance with both federal and state [law] is a physical
impossibility.”
Florida Lime & Avocado Growers, Inc.
v.
Paul,
373 U. S. 132, 142–143
(1963); see also
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 573. In other words,
there must be an “inevitable collision” between federal and state
law.
Florida Lime, 373 U. S., at 143. “The existence of a
hypothetical or potential conflict is insufficient to warrant”
pre-emption of state law.
Rice v.
Norman Williams
Co.,
458 U. S.
654, 659 (1982); see also
Gade v.
National Solid
Wastes Management Assn.,
505 U. S. 88, 110 (1992)
(Kennedy, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment). In
other words, the mere possibility of impossibility is not
enough.
The Manufacturers contend that it was
impossible for them to provide additional warnings to respondents
Men-sing and Demahy because federal law prohibited them from
changing their labels unilaterally.[
Footnote 8] They concede, however, that they could have
asked the FDA to initiate a label change. If the FDA agreed that a
label change was required, it could have asked, and indeed
pressured, the brand-name manufacturer to change its label,
triggering a corresponding change to the Manufacturers’ generic
la-bels.[
Footnote 9] Thus, had
the Manufacturers invoked the available mechanism for initiating
label changes, they may well have been able to change their labels
in sufficient time to warn respondents. Having failed to do so, the
Manufacturers cannot sustain their burden (at least not without
further factual development) to demonstrate that it was impossible
for them to comply with both federal and state law. At most, they
have demonstrated only “a hypothetical or potential conflict.”
Rice, 458 U. S., at 659.
Like the majority, the Manufacturers focus on
the fact that they cannot change their labels unilaterally—which
distinguishes them from the brand-name-manufacturer defendant in
Wyeth. They correctly point out that in
Wyeth we
concluded that the FDA’s CBE regulation authorized the defendant to
strengthen its warnings before receiving agency approval of its
supplemental application describing the label change. 555 U. S., at
568–571; see also 21 CFR §314.70(c)(6). But the defendant’s label
change was contingent on FDA acceptance, as the FDA retained
“authority to reject labeling changes made pursuant to the CBE
regulation.”
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 571. Thus, in the long
run, a brand-name manufacturer’s compliance with a state-law duty
to warn required action by two actors: The brand-name manufacturer
had to change the label and the FDA, upon reviewing the
supplemental application, had to agree with the change.[
Footnote 10] The need for FDA
approval of the label change did not make compliance with federal
and state law impossible in every case. Instead, because the
defendant bore the burden to show impossibility, we required it to
produce “clear evidence that the FDA would not have approved a
change to [the] label.”
Ibid.
I would apply the same approach in these
cases. State law, respondents allege, required the Manufacturers to
provide a strengthened warning about the dangers of long-term
metoclopramide use.[
Footnote
11] Just like the brand-name manufacturer in
Wyeth,
the Manufacturers had available to them a mechanism for attempting
to comply with their state-law duty to warn. Federal law thus
“accommodated” the Manufacturers’ state-law duties. See
ante, at 18, n. 8. It was not necessarily impossible
for the Manufacturers to comply with both federal and state law
because, had they approached the FDA, the FDA may well have agreed
that a label change was necessary. Accordingly, as in
Wyeth, I would require the Manufacturers to show that the
FDA would not have approved a proposed label change. They have not
made such a showing: They do “not argue that [they] attempted to
give the kind of warning required by [state law] but [were]
prohibited from doing so by the FDA.”
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at
572.
This is not to say that generic manufacturers
could never show impossibility. If a generic-manufacturer defendant
proposed a label change to the FDA but the FDA rejected the
proposal, it would be impossible for that defendant to comply with
a state-law duty to warn. Likewise, impossibility would be
established if the FDA had not yet responded to a generic
manufacturer’s request for a label change at the time a plaintiff’s
injuries arose. A generic manufacturer might also show that the FDA
had itself considered whether to request enhanced warnings in light
of the evidence on which a plaintiff’s claim rests but had decided
to leave the warnings as is. (The Manufacturers make just such an
argument in these cases. See,
e.g., Brief for Petitioner
Actavis et al. 11.) But these are questions of fact to be
established through discovery. Because the burden of proving
impossibility falls on the defendant, I would hold that federal law
does not render it impossible for generic manufacturers to comply
with a state-law duty to warn as a categorical matter.
This conclusion flows naturally from the
overarching prin-ciples governing our pre-emption doctrine. See
supra, at 8. Our “respect for the States as ‘independent
sovereigns in our federal system’ leads us to assume that ‘Congress
does not cavalierly pre-empt state-law causes of action.’ ”
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 565–566, n. 3 (quoting
Lohr, 518 U. S., at 485). It is for this reason that we
hold defendants asserting impossibility to a “demanding” standard.
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 573. This presumption against
pre-emption has particular force when the Federal Government has
afforded defendants a mechanism for complying with state law, even
when that mechanism requires federal agency action. (The
presumption has even greater force when federal law requires
defendants to invoke that mechanism, as the majority assumes in
these cases.) In such circumstances, I would hold, defendants will
usually be unable to sustain their burden of showing impossibility
if they have not even attempted to employ that mechanism. Any other
approach threatens to infringe the States’ authority over
traditional matters of state interest—such as the failure-to-warn
claims here—when Congress expressed no intent to pre-empt state
law.
C
The majority concedes that the
Manufacturers might have been able to accomplish under federal law
what state law requires.
Ante, at 12–13. To reach the
conclusion that the Manufacturers have nonetheless satisfied their
bur-den to show impossibility, the majority invents a new
pre-emption rule: “The question for ‘impossibility’ is whether the
private party could
independently do under federal law
what state law requires of it.”
Ante, at 13 (empha- sis
added). Because the Manufacturers could not have changed their
labels without the exercise of judgment by the FDA, the majority
holds, compliance with both state and federal law was impossible in
these cases.[
Footnote
12]
The majority’s new test has no
basis in our precedents. The majority cites only
Wyeth in
support of its test. As discussed above, however,
Wyeth
does not stand for the proposition that it is impossible to comply
with both federal and state law whenever federal agency approval is
required. To the contrary, label changes by brand-name
manufacturers such as Wyeth are subject to FDA review and
acceptance. See
supra, at 11–12. And, even if
Wyeth could be characterized as turning on the fact that
the brand-name manufacturer could change its label unilaterally,
the possibility of unilateral action was, at most, a sufficient
condition for rejecting the impossibility defense in that case.
Wyeth did not hold that unilateral action is a necessary
condition in every case.
With so little support in our case law, the
majority un-derstandably turns to other rationales. None of the
rationales that it offers, however, makes any sense. First, it
offers a
reductio ad absurdum: If the possibility of FDA
approval of a label change is sufficient to avoid conflict in these
cases, it warns, as a “logical conclusion” so too would be the
possibility that the FDA might rewrite its regulations or that
Congress might amend the Hatch-Waxman Amendments.
Ante, at
14. The logic of this conclusion escapes me. Conflict analysis
necessarily turns on existing law. It thus would be ridiculous to
conclude that federal and state law do not conflict on the ground
that the defendant could have asked a federal agency or Congress to
change the law. Here, by contrast, the Manufacturers’ compliance
with their state-law duty to warn did not re-quire them to ask for
a change in federal law, as the majority itself recognizes. See
ante, at 13 (“[F]ederal law would permit the Manufacturers
to comply with the state labeling requirements if, and only if, the
FDA and the brand-name manufacturer changed the brand-name label to
do so”). The FDA already afforded them a mechanism for attempting
to comply with their state-law duties. Indeed, the majority assumes
that FDA regulations
required the Manufacturers to request
a label change when they had “reasonable evidence of an association
of a serious hazard with a drug.” 21 CFR §201.57(e).
Second, the majority suggests that any other
approach would render conflict pre-emption “illusory” and
“meaning-less.”
Ante, at 14. It expresses concern that,
without a robust view of what constitutes conflict, the Supremacy
Clause would not have “any force” except in cases of express
pre-emption.
Ibid. To the extent the majority’s purported
concern is driven by its
reductio ad absurdum, see
ante, at 14, n. 6, that concern is itself illusory,
for the reasons just stated. To the extent the majority is
concerned that our traditionally narrow view of what constitutes
impossibility somehow renders conflict pre-emption as a whole
meaningless, that concern simply makes no sense: We have repeatedly
recognized that conflict pre-emption may be found, even absent
impossibility, where state law “stands as an obstacle to the
accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of
Congress.”
Crosby, 530 U. S., at 373 (internal quotation
marks omitted); see,
e.g.,
Geier v.
American
Honda Motor Co.,
529 U. S. 861, 886 (2000);
Barnett
Bank of Marion Cty., N. A. v.
Nelson,
517 U. S. 25, 31 (1996);
Hines v.
Davidowitz,
312 U. S. 52, 67 (1941).
The majority’s expansive view of impossibility is thus unnecessary
to prevent conflict pre-emption from losing all meaning.[
Footnote 13]
Third, a plurality of the Court adopts the
novel theory that the Framers intended for the Supremacy Clause to
operate as a so-called
non obstante provision. See
ante, at 15–17 (citing Nelson, Preemption, 86 Va.
L. Rev. 225 (2000)). According to the plurality,
non
obstante provisions in statutes “instruc[t] courts not to
apply the general presumption against implied repeals.”
Ante, at 15 (internal quotation marks omitted); see also
ante, at 16 (stating that when a statute contains a
non obstante provision, “ ‘courts will be less
inclined against recognizing repugnancy in applying such
statutes’ ” (quoting J. Sutherland, Statutes and Statutory
Construction §147, p. 199 (1891)). From this understanding of the
Supremacy Clause, the plurality extrapolates the principle that
“courts should not strain to find ways to reconcile federal law
with seemingly conflicting state law.”
Ante, at 15.
This principle would have been news to the
Congress that enacted the Hatch-Waxman Amendments in 1984: Our
precedents hold just the opposite. For more than half a century, we
have directed courts to presume that congressional action does
not supersede “the historic police powers of the States .
. . unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.”
Rice v.
Santa Fe Elevator Corp.,
331 U. S. 218, 230
(1947); see also
Gade, 505 U. S., at 111–112 (Kennedy, J.,
concurring in part and concurring in judgment). We apply this
presumption against pre-emption both where Congress has spoken to
the pre-emption question and where it has not. See
Wyeth,
555 U. S., at 566, n. 3. In the context of express
pre-emption, we read federal statutes whenever possible not to
pre-empt state law. See
Altria Group, Inc. v.
Good,
555 U.
S. 70, 77 (2008) (“[W]hen the text of a pre-emption clause is
susceptible of more than one plausible reading, courts ordinarily
‘accept the reading that disfavors pre-emption’ ” (quoting
Bates v.
Dow Agrosciences LLC,
544 U. S. 431, 449
(2005))); see also
Cipollone v.
Liggett Group,
Inc.,
505 U. S.
504, 518 (1992). And, when the claim is that federal law
impliedly pre-empts state law, we require a “strong” showing of a
conflict “to overcome the presumption that state and local
regulation . . . can constitutionally coexist with federal
regulation.”
Hillsborough County v.
Automated Medical
Laboratories, Inc.,
471 U. S. 707, 716
(1985).
The plurality’s new theory of the Supremacy
Clause is a direct assault on these precedents.[
Footnote 14] Whereas we have long presumed that
federal law does not pre-empt, or repeal, state law, the plurality
today reads the Supremacy Clause to operate as a provision
instructing courts “
not to apply the general presumption
against implied repeals.”
Ante, at 15 (internal quotation
marks omitted; emphasis added). And whereas we have long required
evidence of a “clear and manifest” purpose to pre-empt,
Rice, 331 U. S., at 230, the plurality now instructs
courts to “look no further than the ordinary meaning of federal
law” before concluding that Congress must have intended to cast
aside state law,
ante, at 16 (internal quotation marks and
alteration omitted).
That the plurality finds it necessary to
resort to this novel theory of the Supremacy Clause—a theory
advocated by no party or
amici in these cases—is telling.
Proper application of the longstanding presumption
against
pre-emption compels the conclusion that federal law does not render
compliance with state law impossible merely because it requires an
actor to seek federal agency approval. When federal law provides
actors with a mech-anism for attempting to comply with their
state-law duties, “respect for the States as ‘independent
sovereigns in our federal system’ ” should require those
actors to attempt to comply with state law before being heard to
complain that compliance with both laws was impossible.
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 565–566, n. 3 (quoting
Lohr, 518 U. S., at 485).
III
Today’s decision leads to so many
absurd consequences that I cannot fathom that Congress would have
intended to pre-empt state law in these cases.
First, the majority’s pre-emption
analysis strips generic-drug consumers of compensation when they
are injured by inadequate warnings. “If Congress had intended to
deprive injured parties of [this] long available form of
compensation, it surely would have expressed that intent more
clearly.”
Bates, 544 U. S., at 449. Given the longstanding
existence of product liability actions, including for failure to
warn, “[i]t is difficult to believe that Congress would, without
comment, remove all means of judicial recourse for those injured by
illegal conduct.”
Silkwood, 464 U. S., at 251; see also
Bruesewitz v.
Wyeth LLC, 562 U. S. ___, ___
(2011) (slip op., at 16) (noting our previously expressed “doubt
that Congress would quietly preempt product-liability claims
without providing a federal substitute”). In concluding that
Congress silently immunized generic manufacturers from all
failure-to-warn claims, the majority disregards our previous
hesitance to infer congressional intent to effect such a sweeping
change in traditional state-law remedies.
As the majority itself admits, a drug
consumer’s right to compensation for inadequate warnings now turns
on the happenstance of whether her pharmacist filled her
pre-scription with a brand-name drug or a generic. If a consumer
takes a brand-name drug, she can sue the manufacturer for
inadequate warnings under our opinion in
Wyeth. If,
however, she takes a generic drug, as occurs 75 percent of the
time, she now has no right to sue. The majority offers no reason to
think—apart from its new articulation of the impossibility
standard—that Congress would have intended such an arbitrary
distinction. In some States, pharmacists must dispense generic
drugs absent instruction to the contrary from a consumer’s
physician. Even when consumers can request brand-name drugs, the
price of the brand-name drug or the consumers’ insurance plans may
make it impossible to do so. As a result, in many cases, consumers
will have no ability to preserve their state-law right to recover
for injuries caused by inadequate warnings.
Second, the majority’s decision creates a gap
in the parallel federal-state regulatory scheme in a way that could
have troubling consequences for drug safety. As we explained in
Wyeth, “[s]tate tort suits uncover unknown drug hazards
and provide incentives for drug manufacturers to disclose safety
risks promptly.” 555 U. S., at 579. Thus, we recognized, “state law
offers an additional, and important, layer of consumer protection
that complements FDA regulation.”
Ibid. Today’s decision
eliminates the traditional state-law incentives for generic
manufacturers to monitor and disclose safety risks. When a generic
drug has a brand-name equivalent on the market, the brand-name
manufacturer will remain incentivized to uncover safety risks. But
brand-name manufacturers often leave the market once generic
versions are available, see
supra, at 4–5, meaning that
there will be no manufacturer subject to failure-to-warn liability.
As to those generic drugs, there will be no “additional . . . layer
of consumer protection.”
Wyeth, 555 U. S., at 579.
Finally, today’s decision undoes the core
principle of the Hatch-Waxman Amendments that generic and
brand-name drugs are the “same” in nearly all respects.[
Footnote 15] See Brief for Rep.
Henry A. Waxman as
Amicus Curiae 9. The majority pins the
expansion of the generic drug market on “the special, and
different, regulation of generic drugs,” which allows generic
manufacturers to produce their drugs more cheaply.
Ante,
at 19. This tells only half the story. The expansion of the market
for generic drugs has also flowed from the increased acceptance of,
and trust in, generic drugs by consumers, physicians, and state
legislators alike.
Today’s decision introduces a critical
distinction between brand-name and generic drugs. Consumers of
brand-name drugs can sue manufacturers for inadequate warnings;
consumers of generic drugs cannot. These divergent liability rules
threaten to reduce consumer demand for generics, at least among
consumers who can afford brand-name drugs. They may pose “an
ethical dilemma” for prescribing physicians. Brief for American
Medical Association et al. as
Amici Curiae 29. And
they may well cause the States to rethink their longstanding
efforts to promote generic use through generic substitution laws.
See Brief for National Conference of State Legislators as
Amicus Curiae 15 (state generic substitution laws “have
proceeded on the premise that . . . generic drugs are not, from
citizens’ perspective, materially different from brand ones, except
for the lower price”). These consequences are directly at odds with
the Hatch-Waxman Amendments’ goal of increasing consumption of
generic drugs.
Nothing in the Court’s opinion convinces me
that, in enacting the requirement that generic labels match their
corresponding brand-name labels, Congress intended these absurd
results. The Court certainly has not shown that such was the
“
clear and manifest purpose of Congress.”
Wyeth,
555 U. S., at 565 (internal quotation marks omitted; emphasis
added). To the contrary, because federal law affords generic
manufacturers a mechanism for attempting to comply with their
state-law duties to warn, I would hold that federal law does not
categorically pre-empt state-law failure-to-warn claims against
generic manufacturers. Especially in light of the presumption
against pre-emption, the burden should fall on generic
manufacturers to show that compliance was impossible on the
particular facts of their case. By holding that the “possibility of
possibility” is insufficient to “defea[t]” pre-emption in
these cases,
ante, at 18, n. 8, the Court contorts
our pre-emption doctrine and exempts defendants from their burden
to establish impossibility. With respect, I dissent.
Footnote 1
Online at
http://aspe.hhs.gov/sp/reports/2010/GenericDrugs/ib.pdf (all
Internet materials as visited June 17, 2011, and available in Clerk
of Court’s case file).
Footnote 2
In addition, many insurance plans are
structured to promote generic use. See Congressional Budget Office,
Effects of Using Generic Drugs on Medicare’s Prescription Drug
Spending 9 (2010), online at http://
www.cbo.gov/ftpdoc/118xx/doc11838/09-15-PrescriptionDrugs.pdf.
State Medicaid programs similarly promote generic use. See Kaiser
Comm’n on Medicaid and the Uninsured, State Medicaid Outpatient
Prescription Drug Policies: Findings from a National Survey, 2005
Update 10 (2005), online at
www.kff.org/medicaid/upload/state-medicaid-outpatient-prescription-drug-policies-findings-from-a-national-survey-2005-update-report.pdf.
Footnote 3
Online at
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/6xx/doc655/pharm.pdf.
Footnote 4
An adverse drug experience is defined as
“[a]ny adverse event associated with the use of a drug in humans,
whether or not considered drug related.” 21 CFR §314.80(a)
(2006).
Footnote 5
Like the majority, I refer to the pre-2007
statutes and regulations. See
ante, at 5, n. 1.
Footnote 6
At congressional hearings on the Hatch-Waxman
Amendments, representatives of the generic drug manufacturers
confirmed both their obligation and their ability to conduct
postapproval investigation of adverse drug experiences. See Drug
Legislation: Hearings on H. R. 1554 et al. before the
Subcommittee on Health and the Environment of the House Committee
on Energy and Commerce, 98th Cong., 1st Sess., 45 (1983) (statement
of Kenneth N. Larsen, chairman of the Generic Pharmaceutical
Industry Association (GPhA)) (generic manufacturers “are sensitive
to the importance of looking at adverse reactions”);
id.,
at 47–48 (“[W]e will do and provide whatever is required to be
performed to meet the regulatory requirement to provide for the
safety and well-being of those that are using the drug, this is our
role and responsibility. This is an obligation to be in this
business”);
id., at 50–51 (statement of Bill Haddad,
executive officer and president of GPhA) (“Every single generic
drug company that I know has a large research staff. It not only
researches the drug that they are copying, or bringing into the
market but it researches new drugs, researches adverse
reaction[s]”).
Footnote 7
The FDA’s construction of this regulation
mirrors the guidance it provided to generic manufacturers nearly 20
years ago in announcing the final rule implementing the abbreviated
application process for generic drugs:
“If an ANDA [
i.e., application for approval of a
generic drug] applicant believes new safety information should be
added to a product’s labeling, it should contact FDA, and FDA will
determine whether the labeling for the generic and listed drugs
should be revised. After approval of an ANDA, if an ANDA holder
believes that new safety information should be added, it should
provide adequate supporting information to FDA, and FDA will
determine whether the labeling for the generic and listed drugs
should be revised.” 57 Fed. Reg. 17961 (1992).
FDA’s internal procedures recognize that the Office of Generic
Drugs will have to consult with other FDA components on “some
labeling reviews.” Manual of Policies and Procedures 5200.6, p. 1
(May 9, 2001). Consultations involving “possible serious safety
concerns” receive the highest priority.
Id., at 3.
Footnote 8
In its decision below, the Eighth Circuit
suggested that the Manufacturers could not show impossibility
because federal law merely permitted them to sell generic drugs; it
did not require them to do so. See
Mensing v.
Wyeth,
Inc., 588 F. 3d 603, 611 (2009) (“The generic defendants
were not compelled to market metoclopramide. If they realized their
label was insufficient but did not believe they could even propose
a label change, they could have simply stopped selling the
product”); see also
Geier v.
American Honda Motor
Co.,
529 U. S. 861, 873 (2000) (describing
“a case of impossibility” as one “in which state law penalizes what
federal law
requires” (emphasis added)). Respondents have
not advanced this argument, and I find it unnecessary to
consider.
Footnote 9
At the time respondents’ cause of action
arose, the FDA did not have authority to require a brand-name
manufacturer to change its label. (It received that authority in
2007. See Pub. L. 110–85, §901, 121 Stat. 924–926, 21 U. S. C.
§355(o)(4) (2006 ed., Supp. III). It did, how-ever, have the
equally significant authority to withdraw the brand-name
manufacturer’s permission to market its drug if the manufacturer
refused to make a requested labeling change. See 21 U. S. C.
§355(e) (2006 ed.); 21 CFR §314.150(b)(3).
Footnote 10
A brand-name manufacturer’s ability to comply
with a state-law duty to warn would depend on its own unilateral
actions only during the period after it should have changed its
label but before the FDA would have approved or disapproved the
label change. The claim in
Wyeth does not appear to have
arisen during that period.
Footnote 11
Respondents’ state-law claim is not that the
Manufacturers were required to ask the FDA for assistance in
changing the labels; the role of the FDA arises only as a result of
the Manufacturers’ pre-emption defense.
Footnote 12
These cases do not involve a situation where
a brand-name manufacturer itself produces generic drugs. See Okie,
Multinational Medicines—Ensuring Drug Quality in an Era of Global
Manufactur-ing, 361 N. Eng. J. Med. 737, 738 (2009); see also GPhA,
Frequently Asked Questions About Generics,
http://www.gphaonline.org/about-gpha/about-generics/faq
(“Brand-name companies make about half of generic drugs”). In that
case, the manufacturer could independently change the brand-name
label under the CBE regulation, triggering a corresponding change
to its own generic label.
Footnote 13
Justice Thomas, the author of today’s
opinion, has previously expressed the view that obstacle
pre-emption is inconsistent with the Constitution. See
Williamson v.
Mazda Motor of America, Inc., 562
U. S. ___, ___ (2011) (opinion concurring in judgment) (slip op.,
at 2–5);
Wyeth v.
Levine,
555 U. S. 555, 604 (2009) (opinion
concurring in judgment). That position, however, has not been
accepted by this Court, and it thus should not justify the
majority’s novel expansion of impossibility pre-emption.
Footnote 14
The author of the law review article
proposing this theory of the Supremacy Clause acknowledges as much.
See Nelson, Preemption, 86 Va. L. Rev. 225, 304 (2000) (“The
non obstante provision rejects an artificial presumption
that Congress did not intend to contradict any state laws and that
federal statutes must therefore be harmonized with state law”). The
plurality, on the other hand, carefully avoids discussing the
ramifications of its new theory for the longstanding presumption
against pre-emption.
Footnote 15
According to the GPhA, both the FDA and the
generic drug industry “spend millions of dollars each year . . .
seeking to reassure consumers that affordable generic drugs really
are—as federal law compels them to be—
the same as their
pricier brand-name counterparts.” Brief for GPhA as
Amicus
Curiae on Pet. for Cert. in Nos. 09–993, 09–1039,
pp. 2–3.
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