SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 20–255
_________________
MAHANOY AREA SCHOOL DISTRICT, PETITIONER
v. B. L., a minor, by and through her father, LAWRENCE
LEVY and her mother, BETTY LOU LEVY
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the third circuit
[June 23, 2021]
Justice Alito, with whom Justice Gorsuch
joins, concurring.
I join the opinion of the Court but write
separately to explain my understanding of the Court’s decision and
the framework within which I think cases like this should be
analyzed. This is the first case in which we have considered the
constitutionality of a public school’s attempt to regulate true
off-premises student speech,[
1]
and therefore it is important that our opinion not be
misunderstood.[
2]
I
The Court holds—and I agree—that: the First
Amendment permits public schools to regulate
some student
speech that does not occur on school premises during the regular
school day;[
3] this authority
is more limited than the authority that schools exercise with
respect to on-premises speech;[
4] courts should be “skeptical” about the
constitutionality of the regulation of off-premises
speech;[
5] the doctrine of
in loco parentis “rarely” applies to off-premises
speech;[
6] public school
students, like all other Americans, have the right to express
“unpopular” ideas on public issues, even when those ideas are
expressed in language that some find
“ ‘ inappropriate ’ ” or
“ ‘ hurtful ’ ”;[
7] public schools have the duty to teach students that
freedom of speech, including unpopular speech, is essential to our
form of self-government;[
8] the
Mahanoy Area High School violated B. L.’s First Amendment
rights when it punished her for the messages she posted on her own
time while away from school premises; and the judgment of the Third
Circuit must therefore be affirmed.
I also agree that it is not prudent for us to
attempt at this time to “set forth a broad, highly general First
Amendment rule” governing all off-premises speech.
Ante, at
6. But in order to understand what the Court has held, it is
helpful to consider the framework within which efforts to regulate
off-premises speech should be analyzed.
II
I start with this threshold question: Why does
the First Amendment ever allow the free-speech rights of public
school students to be restricted to a greater extent than the
rights of other juveniles who do not attend a public school? As the
Court recognized in
Tinker v.
Des Moines Independent
Community School Dist.,
393
U.S. 503, 509 (1969), when a public school regulates student
speech, it acts as an arm of the State in which it is located.
Suppose that B. L. had been enrolled in a private school and
did exactly what she did in this case—send out vulgar and
derogatory messages that focused on her school’s cheerleading
squad. The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania would have had no legal
basis to punish her and almost certainly would not have even tried.
So why should her status as a public school student give the
Commonwealth any greater authority to punish her speech?
Our cases involving the regulation of student
speech have not directly addressed this question. All those cases
involved either in-school speech or speech that was tantamount to
in-school speech. See n. 1,
supra. And in those cases,
the Court appeared to take it for granted that “the special
characteristics of the school environment” justified special rules.
Morse v.
Frederick,
551 U.S.
393, 397, 403, 405, 406, n. 2, 408 (2007) (internal
quotation marks omitted);
Hazelwood School Dist. v.
Kuhlmeier,
484 U.S.
260, 266 (1988) (internal quotation marks omitted);
Tinker, 393 U. S., at 506.
Why the Court took this for granted is not hard
to imagine. As a practical matter, it is impossible to see how a
school could function if administrators and teachers could not
regulate on-premises student speech, including by imposing
content-based restrictions in the classroom. In a math class, for
example, the teacher can insist that students talk about math, not
some other subject. See
Kuhlmeier, 484 U. S., at 279
(Brennan, J., dissenting) (“The young polemic who stands on a
soapbox during calculus class to deliver an eloquent political
diatribe interferes with the legitimate teaching of calculus”). In
addition, when a teacher asks a question, the teacher must have the
authority to insist that the student respond to that question and
not some other question, and a teacher must also have the authority
to speak without interruption and to demand that students refrain
from interrupting one another. Practical necessity likewise
dictates that teachers and school administrators have related
authority with respect to other in-school activities like
auditorium programs attended by a large audience. See
Bethel
School Dist. No. 403 v.
Fraser,
478
U.S. 675, 685 (1986) (“A high school assembly . . .
is no place for a sexually explicit monologue directed towards an
unsuspecting audience of teenage students”);
id., at 689
(Brennan, J., concurring in judgment) (“In the present case, school
officials sought only to ensure that a high school assembly proceed
in an orderly manner”); see also
Kuhlmeier, 484 U. S.,
at 279 (Brennan, J., dissenting) (“[T]he student who delivers a
lewd endorsement of a student-government candidate might so
extremely distract an impressionable high school audience as to
interfere with the orderly operation of the school”).
Because no school could operate effectively if
teachers and administrators lacked the authority to regulate
in-school speech in these ways, the Court may have felt no need to
specify the source of this authority or to explain how the special
rules applicable to in-school student speech fit into our broader
framework of free-speech case law. But when a public school
regulates what students say or write when they are not on school
grounds and are not participating in a school program, the school
has the obligation to answer the question with which I began: Why
should enrollment in a public school result in the diminution of a
student’s free-speech rights?
The only plausible answer that comes readily to
mind is consent, either express or implied. The theory must be that
by enrolling a child in a public school, parents consent on behalf
of the child to the relinquishment of some of the child’s
free-speech rights.
This understanding is consistent with the
conditions to which an adult would implicitly consent by enrolling
in an adult education class run by a unit of state or local
government. If an adult signs up for, say, a French class, the
adult may be required to speak French, to answer the teacher’s
questions, and to comply with other rules that are imposed for the
sake of orderly instruction.
When it comes to children, courts in this
country have analyzed the issue of consent by adapting the
common-law doctrine of
in loco parentis. See
Morse,
551 U. S., at 413–416 (Thomas, J., concurring). Under the
common law, as Blackstone explained, “[a father could] delegate
part of his parental authority . . . to the tutor or
schoolmaster of his child; who is then
in loco parentis, and
has
such a portion of the power of the parent committed to
his charge, [namely,] that of restraint and correction,
as may
be necessary to answer the purposes for which he is employed.”
1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 441 (1765)
(some emphasis added).
Blackstone’s explanation of the doctrine seems
to treat it primarily as an implied term in a private employment
agreement between a father and those with whom he contracted for
the provision of educational services for his child,[
9] and therefore the scope of the delegation
that could be inferred depended on “the purposes for which [the
tutor or schoolmaster was] employed.”
Ibid. If a child was
sent to a boarding school, the parents would not have been in a
position to monitor or control the child’s behavior or to attend to
the child’s welfare on a daily basis, and the schoolmaster would be
regarded as having implicitly received the authority to perform
those functions around the clock while the child was in residence.
On the other hand, if parents hired a tutor to instruct a child in
the home on certain subjects during certain hours, the scope of the
delegation would be different. The tutor would be in charge during
lessons, but the parents would retain most of their authority. In
short, the scope of the delegation depended on the scope of the
agreed-upon undertaking.
Today, of course, the educational picture is
quite different. The education of children within a specified age
range is compulsory,[
10] and
States specify the minimum number of
hours per day and the minimum number of days per
year that a student must attend classes, as well as many aspects of
the school curriculum.[
11]
Parents are not required to enroll their children in a public
school. They can select a private school if a suitable one is
available and they can afford the tuition, and they may also be
able to educate their children at home if they have the time and
ability and can meet the standards that their State
imposes.[
12] But by choice
or necessity, nearly 90% of the students in this country attend
public schools,[
13] and
parents and public schools do not enter into a contractual
relationship.
If
in loco parentis is transplanted from
Blackstone’s England to the 21st century United States, what it
amounts to is simply a doctrine of inferred parental consent to a
public school’s exercise of a degree of authority that is
commensurate with the task that the parents ask the school to
perform. Because public school students attend school for only part
of the day and continue to live at home, the degree of authority
conferred is obviously less than that delegated to the head of a
late-18th century boarding school, but because public school
students are taught outside the home, the authority conferred may
be greater in at least some respects than that enjoyed by a tutor
of Blackstone’s time.
So how much authority to regulate speech do
parents implicitly delegate when they enroll a child at a public
school? The answer must be that parents are treated as having
relinquished the measure of authority that the schools must be able
to exercise in order to carry out their state- mandated educational
mission, as well as the authority to perform any other functions to
which parents expressly or implicitly agree—for example, by giving
permission for a child to participate in an extracurricular
activity or to go on a school trip.
III
I have already explained what this delegated
authority means with respect to student speech during standard
classroom instruction. And it is reasonable to infer that this
authority extends to periods when students are in school but are
not in class, for example, when they are walking in a hall, eating
lunch, congregating outside before the school day starts, or
waiting for a bus after school. During the entire school day, a
school must have the authority to protect everyone on its premises,
and therefore schools must be able to prohibit threatening and
harassing speech. An effective instructional atmosphere could not
be maintained in a school, and good teachers would be hard to
recruit and retain, if students were free to abuse or disrespect
them. And the school has a duty to protect students while in school
because their parents are unable to do that during those hours. See
Morse, 551 U. S., at 424 (Alito, J., concurring). But
even when students are on school premises during regular school
hours, they are not stripped of their free-speech rights.
Tinker teaches that expression that does not interfere with
a class (such as by straying from the topic, interrupting the
teacher or other students, etc.) cannot be suppressed unless it
“involves substantial disorder or invasion of the rights of
others.” 393 U. S., at 513.
IV
A
A public school’s regulation of off-premises
student speech is a different matter. While the decision to enroll
a student in a public school may be regarded as conferring the
authority to regulate
some off-premises speech (a subject I
address below), enrollment cannot be treated as a complete transfer
of parental authority over a student’s speech. In our society,
parents, not the State, have the primary authority and duty to
raise, educate, and form the character of their children. See
Wisconsin v.
Yoder,
406 U.S.
205, 232 (1972) (“The history and culture of Western
civilization reflect a strong tradition of parental concern for the
nurture and upbringing of their children. This primary role of the
parents in the upbringing of their children is now established
beyond debate as an enduring American tradition”);
Pierce v.
Society of Sisters,
268 U.S.
510, 534–535 (1925) (discussing “the liberty of parents and
guardians to direct the upbringing and education of children under
their control”). Parents do not implicitly relinquish all that
authority when they send their children to a public school. As the
Court notes, it would be far-fetched to suggest that enrollment
implicitly confers the right to regulate what a child
says or writes at all times of day and
throughout the calendar year. See
ante, at 7.[
14] Any such argument would run headlong
into the fundamental principle that a State “may not deny a benefit
to a person on a basis that infringes his constitutionally
protected . . . freedom of speech even if he has no
entitlement to that benefit.”[
15]
Agency for Int’l Development v.
Alliance
for Open Society Int’l, Inc.,
570 U.S.
205, 214 (2013) (internal quotation marks omitted). While the
in-school restrictions discussed above are essential to the
operation of a public school system, any argument in favor of
expansive regulation of off-premises speech must contend with this
fundamental free-speech principle.
B
The degree to which enrollment in a public
school can be regarded as a delegation of authority over off-campus
speech depends on the nature of the speech and the circumstances
under which it occurs. I will not attempt to provide a complete
taxonomy of off-premises speech, but relevant lower court cases
tend to fall into a few basic groups. And with respect to speech in
each of these groups, the question that courts must ask is whether
parents who enroll their children in a public school can reasonably
be understood to have delegated to the school the authority to
regulate the speech in question.
One category of off-premises student speech
falls easily within the scope of the authority that parents
implicitly or explicitly provide. This category includes speech
that takes place during or as part of what amounts to a temporal or
spatial extension of the regular school program,
e.g.,
online instruction at home, assigned essays or other homework, and
transportation to and from school. Also included are statements
made during other school activities in which students participate
with their parents’ consent, such as school trips, school sports
and other extracurricular activities that may take place after
regular school hours or off school premises, and after-school
programs for students who would otherwise be without adult
supervision during that time. Abusive speech that occurs while
students are walking to and from school may also fall into this
category on the theory that it is school attendance that puts
students on that route and in the company of the fellow students
who engage in the abuse. The imperatives that justify the
regulation of student speech while in school—the need for orderly
and effective instruction and student protection—apply more or less
equally to these off-premises activities.
Most of the specific examples of off-premises
speech that the Court mentions fall into this category. See
ante, at 6 (speech taking place during “remote learning,”
“participation in other online school activities,” “activities
taken for school credit,” “travel en route to and from the school,”
“[the time during which] the school is responsible for the
student,” and “extracurricular activities,” as well as speech
taking place on “the school’s immediate surroundings” or in the
context of “writing . . . papers”).[
16] The Court’s broad statements about
off-premises speech must be understood with this in mind.
At the other end of the spectrum, there is a
category of speech that is almost always beyond the regulatory
authority of a public school. This is student speech that is not
expressly and specifically directed at the school, school
administrators, teachers, or fellow students and that addresses
matters of public concern, including sensitive subjects like
politics, religion, and social relations. Speech on such matters
lies at the heart of the First Amendment’s protection, see
Lane v.
Franks,
573 U.S.
228, 235 (2014) (“Speech by citizens on matters of public
concern lies at the heart of the First Amendment”);
Schenck
v.
Pro-Choice Network of Western N. Y.,
519 U.S.
357, 377 (1997) (“Leafletting and commenting on matters of
public concern are classic forms of speech that lie at the heart of
the First Amendment”);
Capital Square Review and Advisory
Bd. v.
Pinette,
515 U.S.
753, 760 (1995) (“[A] free-speech clause without religion would
be Hamlet without the prince”);
McIntyre v.
Ohio
Elections Comm’n,
514 U.S.
334, 347 (1995) (“[A]dvocacy of a politically controversial
viewpoint . . . is the essence of First Amendment
expression”);
Hustler Magazine, Inc. v.
Falwell,
485 U.S.
46, 50 (1988) (“At the heart of the First Amendment is the
recognition of the fundamental importance of the free flow of ideas
and opinions on matters of public interest and concern”);
Connick v.
Myers,
461 U.S.
138, 145 (1983) (“[S]peech on public issues occupies the
highest rung of the hierarchy of First Amendment values, and is
entitled to special protection” (internal quotation marks
omitted)), and the connection between student speech in this
category and the ability of a public school to carry out its
instructional program is tenuous.
If a school tried to regulate such speech, the
most that it could claim is that offensive off-premises speech on
important matters may cause controversy and recriminations among
students and may thus disrupt instruction and good order on school
premises. But it is a “bedrock principle” that speech may not be
suppressed simply because it expresses ideas that are
“offensive or disagreeable.”
Texas v.
Johnson,
491 U.S.
397, 414 (1989); see also
Matal v.
Tam, 582
U. S. ___, ___–___ (2017) (slip op., at 1–2) (“Speech may not
be banned on the ground that it expresses ideas that offend”);
FCC v.
Pacifica Foundation,
438
U.S. 726, 745 (1978) (opinion of Stevens, J.) (“[T]he fact that
society may find speech offensive is not a sufficient reason for
suppressing it”);
Young v.
American Mini Theatres,
Inc.,
427 U.S.
50, 63–64 (1976) (plurality opinion) (“Nor may speech be
curtailed because it invites dispute, creates dissatisfaction with
conditions the way they are, or even stirs people to anger”);
Street v.
New York,
394 U.S.
576, 592 (1969) (“It is firmly settled that under our
Constitution the public expression of ideas may not be prohibited
merely because the ideas are themselves offensive to some of their
hearers”). It is unreasonable to infer that parents who send a
child to a public school thereby authorize the school to take away
such a critical right.
To her credit, petitioner’s attorney
acknowledged this during oral argument. As she explained, even if
such speech is deeply offensive to members of the school community
and may cause a disruption, the school cannot punish the student
who spoke out; “that would be a heckler’s veto.” Tr. of Oral Arg.
15–16.[
17] The school may
suppress the disruption, but it may not punish the off-campus
speech that prompted other students to engage in misconduct. See
id., at 5–6 (“[I]f listeners riot because they find speech
offensive, schools should punish the rioters, not the speaker. In
other words, the hecklers don’t get the veto”); see also
id., at 27–28.
This is true even if the student’s off-premises
speech on a matter of public concern is intemperate and crude. When
a student engages in oral or written communication of this nature,
the student is subject to whatever restraints the student’s parents
impose, but the student enjoys the same First Amendment protection
against government regulation as all other members of the public.
And the Court has held that these rights extend to speech that is
couched in vulgar and offensive terms. See,
e.g.,
Iancu v.
Brunetti, 588 U. S. ___ (2019);
Matal, 582 U. S. ___;
Snyder v.
Phelps,
562 U.S.
443 (2011);
Cohen v.
California,
403 U.S.
15 (1971);
Brandenburg v.
Ohio,
395 U.S.
444 (1969) (
per curiam).
Between these two extremes (
i.e.,
off-premises speech that is tantamount to on-campus speech and
general statements made off premises on matters of public concern)
lie the categories of off-premises student speech that appear to
have given rise to the most litigation. A survey of lower court
cases reveals several prominent categories. I will mention some of
those categories, but like the Court, I do not attempt to set out
the test to be used in judging the constitutionality of a public
school’s efforts to regulate such speech.
One group of cases involves perceived threats to
school administrators, teachers, other staff members, or students.
Laws that apply to everyone prohibit defined categories of
threats,[
18] see,
e.g., 18 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2706(a);[
19] Tex. Penal Code Ann. §22.07(a) (West
2020),[
20] but schools
have
claimed that their duties demand broader
authority.[
21]
Another common category involves speech that
criticizes or derides school administrators, teachers, or other
staff members.[
22] Schools
may assert that parents who send their children to a public school
implicitly authorize the school to demand that the child exhibit
the respect that is required for orderly and effective instruction,
but parents surely do not relinquish their children’s ability to
complain in an appropriate manner about wrongdoing, dereliction, or
even plain incompetence. See Brief for College Athlete Advocates as
Amicus Curiae 12–21; Brief for Student Press Law Center
et al. as
Amici Curiae 10–11, 17–20, 30.
Perhaps the most difficult category involves
criticism or hurtful remarks about other students.[
23] Bullying and severe harassment are
serious (and age-old) problems, but these concepts are not easy to
define with the precision required for a regulation of speech. See,
e.g.,
Saxe v.
State College Area School Dist.,
240 F.3d 200, 206–207 (CA3 2001).
V
The present case does not fall into any of
these categories. Instead, it simply involves criticism (albeit in
a crude manner) of the school and an extracurricular activity.
Unflattering speech about a school or one of its programs is
different from speech that criticizes or derides particular
individuals, and for the reasons detailed by the Court and by Judge
Ambro in his separate opinion below, the school’s justifications
for punishing B. L.’s speech were weak. She sent the messages
and image in question on her own time while at a local convenience
store. They were transmitted via a medium that preserved the
communication for only 24 hours, and she sent them to a select
group of “friends.” She did not send the messages to the school or
to any administrator, teacher, or coach, and no member of the
school staff would have even known about the messages if some of
B. L.’s “friends” had not taken it upon themselves to spread
the word.
The school did not claim that the messages
caused any significant disruption of classes. The most it asserted
along
these lines was that they “upset” some students
(including members of the cheerleading squad),[
24] caused students to ask some questions about
the matter during an algebra class taught by a cheerleading
coach,[
25] and put out
“negativity . . . that could impact students in the
school.”[
26] The freedom of
students to speak off-campus would not be worth much if it gave way
in the face of such relatively minor complaints. Speech cannot be
suppressed just because it expresses thoughts or sentiments that
others find upsetting, and the algebra teacher had the authority to
quell in-class discussion of B. L.’s messages and demand that
the students concentrate on the work of the class.
As for the messages’ effect on the morale of the
cheerleading squad, the coach of a team sport may wish to take
group cohesion and harmony into account in selecting members of the
team, in assigning roles, and in allocating playing time, but it is
self-evident that this authority has limits. (To take an obvious
example, a coach could not discriminate against a student for
blowing the whistle on serious misconduct.) And here, the school
did not simply take B. L.’s messages into account in deciding
whether her attitude would make her effective in doing what
cheerleaders are primarily expected to do: encouraging vocal fan
support at the events where they appear. Instead, the school
imposed punishment: suspension for a year from the cheerleading
squad despite B. L.’s apologies.
There is, finally, the matter of B. L.’s
language. There are parents who would not have been pleased with
B. L.’s language and gesture, but whatever B. L.’s
parents thought about what she did, it is not reasonable to infer
that they gave the school the authority to regulate her choice of
language when she was off school premises and not engaged in any
school activity. And B. L.’s school does not claim that it
possesses or makes any effort to exercise the authority to regulate
the vocabulary and gestures of all its students 24 hours a day and
365 days a year.
There are more than 90,000 public school
principals in this country[
27] and more than 13,000 separate school
districts.[
28] The
overwhelming majority of school administrators, teachers, and
coaches are men and women who are deeply dedicated to the best
interests of their students, but it is predictable that there will
be occasions when some will get carried away, as did the school
officials in the case at hand. If today’s decision teaches any
lesson, it must be that the regulation of many types of
off-premises student speech raises serious First Amendment
concerns, and school officials should proceed cautiously before
venturing into this territory.
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