SCALIA, J., CONCURRING
KANSAS V. MARSH
548 U. S. ____ (2006)
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
NO. 04-1170
KANSAS, PETITIONER
v. MICHAEL LEE MARSH,
II
on writ of certiorari to the supreme court of
kansas
[June 26, 2006]
Justice Scalia, concurring.
I join the opinion of the Court.
I write separately to clarify briefly the import of my joinder, and
to respond at somewhat greater length first to Justice Stevens’
contention that this case, and cases like it, do not merit our
attention, and second to Justice Souter’s claims about risks
inherent in capital punishment.
I
Part III of the Court’s
opinion—which makes plain why
Walton v.
Arizona,
497 U. S. 639
(1990), controls this case—would be sufficient to reverse the
judgment below. I nonetheless join Part IV as well, which describes
why Kansas’s death penalty statute easily satisfies even a capital
jurisprudence as incoherent as ours has become. In doing so, I do
not endorse that incoherence, but adhere to my previous statement
that “I will not … vote to uphold an Eighth Amendment claim that
the sentencer’s discretion has been unlawfully restricted.”
Id., at 673 (concurring in part and concurring in
judgment).
II
Justice Stevens’ dissent gives
several reasons why this case, and any criminal case in which the
State is the petitioner, does not deserve our attention.
“ ‘[N]o rule of law,’ ” he says, “ ‘commanded the
Court to grant certiorari.’ ”
Post, at 3 (quoting
California v.
Ramos, 463 U. S. 992, 1031
(1983) (Stevens, J., dissenting)). But that is true, of course, of
almost our entire docket; it is in the very nature of certiorari
jurisdiction. Also self-evident, since the jurisdiction of the
Kansas Supreme Court ends at the borders of that State, is the fact
that “ ‘[n]o other State would have been required to follow
the [Kansas] precedent if it had been permitted to stand.’ ”
Post, at 3 (Stevens, J., dissenting) (quoting
Ramos,
supra, at 1031 (Stevens, J., dissenting)).
But if this signaled the impropriety of granting certiorari, we
would never review state-court determinations of federal law, even
though they patently contradict (as the determination below does)
the holdings of other state courts and Federal Courts of Appeals,
compare 278 Kan. 520, 534–537, 102 P. 3d 445, 457–459 (2004)
(case below), and
State v.
Kleypas, 272 Kan. 894,
1005–1007, 40 P. 3d 139, 225–226 (2001), with,
e.g.,
State v.
Hoffman, 123 Idaho 638, 646–647, 851
P. 2d 934, 942–943 (1993), and
Jones v.
Dugger, 928 F. 2d 1020, 1029 (CA11 1991)—and indeed,
even when they patently contradict our own decisions. Our principal
responsibility under current practice, however, and a primary basis
for the Constitution’s allowing us to be accorded jurisdiction to
review state-court decisions, see Art. III, §2, cls. 1 and 2,
is to ensure the integrity and uniformity of federal law.[
Footnote 1] See this Court’s Rule
10(b), (c). Fulfillment of this responsibility is, to put it
mildly, an adequate answer to the charge that “ ‘[n]othing
more than an interest in facilitating the imposition of the death
penalty in [Kansas] justified this Court’s exercise of its
discretion to review the judgment of the [Kansas] Supreme
Court.’ ”
Post, at 3 (Stevens, J., dissenting)
(quoting
Ramos,
supra, at 1031 (Stevens, J.,
dissenting)).
The dissent’s assertion that our
holding in
Ramos was “ironi[c],”
post, at 2
(opinion of Stevens, J.), rests on a misguided view of federalism
and, worse still, of a republican form of government. Only that can
explain the dissent’s suggestion that
Ramos’s reversal of
a state-court determination somehow undermined state authority. The
California Supreme Court had ruled that a jury instruction inserted
into the state penal code by voter initiative, see 463 U. S., at
995, n. 4, was invalid
as a matter of federal
constitutional law. See
id., at 996, 997, n. 7.
When state courts erroneously invalidate actions taken by the
people of a State (through initiative or through normal operation
of the political branches of their state government) on
state-law grounds, it is generally none of our business;
and our displacing of those judgments would indeed be an intrusion
upon state autonomy. But when state courts erroneously invalidate
such actions because they believe federal law requires it—and
especially when they do so because they believe the
Federal
Constitution requires it—review by this Court, far
from
undermining state autonomy, is the only possible way
to
vindicate it. When a federal constitutional interdict
against the duly expressed will of the people of a State is
erroneously pronounced by a State’s highest court, no authority in
the State—not even a referendum agreed to by all its citizens—can
undo the error. Thus, a general presumption against such review
displays not respect for the States, but a complacent willingness
to allow judges to strip the people of the power to govern
themselves. When we correct a state court’s federal errors,
we
return power to the State, and to its people.
That is why our decision in
Ramos was
necessary. Our solemn responsibility is not merely to determine
whether a State Supreme Court “ha[s] adequately protected [a
defendant’s] rights under the Federal Constitution,”
post,
at 2 (Stevens, J., dissenting). It is to ensure that when courts
speak in the name of the Federal Constitution, they disregard none
of its guarantees—neither those that assure the rights of criminal
defendants, nor those that assure what Justice Black, in his famous
dissent in
In re Winship, 397 U. S. 358, 385
(1970), called “the most fundamental individual liberty of our
people—the right of each man to participate in the self-government
of his society.” Turning a blind eye to federal constitutional
error that benefits criminal defendants, allowing it to permeate in
varying fashion each state Supreme Court’s jurisprudence, would
change the uniform “law of the land” into a crazy quilt. And on top
of it all, of course, what the dissent proposes avowedly favors one
party to the case: When a criminal defendant loses a questionable
constitutional point, we may grant review; when the State loses, we
must deny it. While it might be appropriate for Congress to place
such a thumb upon the scales of our power to review, it seems to me
a peculiar mode of decisionmaking for judges sworn to “impartially
discharge … all the duties” of their office, 28 U. S. C.
§453.
Our decision to grant certiorari is guided by
the considerations set forth in Rule 10. None of them turns on the
identity of the party that the asserted misapplication of federal
law has harmed. When state legislation is thwarted—not on the basis
of state law, but on the basis of a questionable application of the
Federal Constitution or laws—I shall continue to vote to grant the
resulting petition for certiorari.
III
Finally, I must say a few words
(indeed, more than a few) in response to Part III of Justice
Souter’s dissent. This contains the disclaimer that the dissenters
are not (
yet) ready to “generaliz[e] about the soundness
of capital sentencing across the country,”
post, at 9; but
that is in fact precisely what they do. The dissent essentially
argues that capital punishment is such an undesirable
institution—it results in the condemnation of such a large number
of innocents—that any legal rule which eliminates its
pronouncement, including the one favored by the dissenters in the
present case, should be embraced. See
ibid.
As a general rule, I do not think
it appropriate for judges to heap either praise or censure upon a
legislative measure that comes before them, lest it be thought that
their validation, invalidation, or interpretation of it is driven
by their desire to expand or constrict what they personally approve
or disapprove as a matter of policy. In the present case, for
example, people might leap to the conclusion that the dissenters’
views on whether Kansas’s equipoise rule is constitutional are
determined by their personal disapproval of an institution that has
been democratically adopted by 38 States and the United States. But
of course that requires no leap; just a willingness to take the
dissenters at their word. For as I have described, the dissenters’
very argument is that imposition of the death penalty should be
minimized by invalidation of the equipoise rule because it is a
bad, “risk[y],” and “hazard[ous]” idea,
ibid. A broader
conclusion that people should derive, however (and I would not
consider this much of a leap either), is that the dissenters’
encumbering of the death penalty in
other cases, with
unwarranted restrictions neither contained in the text of the
Constitution nor reflected in two centuries of practice under it,
will be the product of their policy views—views not shared by the
vast majority of the American people. The dissenters’ proclamation
of their policy agenda in the present case is especially striking
because it is nailed to the door of the wrong church—that is, set
forth in a case litigating a rule that has nothing to do with the
evaluation of guilt or innocence. There are, of course, many cases
in which the rule at issue
does serve that function, see,
e.g.,
House v.
Bell, 547 U. S. ___
(2006). (Marsh himself has earned a remand by application of one
such rule, see
ante, at 2–3.) But as the Court observes,
see
ante, at 16–17, guilt or innocence is logically
disconnected to the challenge in
this case to
sentencing standards. The
only time the equipoise
provision is relevant is when the State has proved a defendant
guilty of a capital crime.[
Footnote
2]
There exists in some parts of the world
sanctimonious criticism of America’s death penalty, as somehow
unworthy of a civilized society. (I say sanctimonious, because most
of the countries to which these finger-waggers belong had the death
penalty themselves until recently—and indeed, many of them would
still have it if the democratic will prevailed.[
Footnote 3]) It is a certainty that the opinion
of a near-majority of the United States Supreme Court to the effect
that our system condemns many innocent defendants to death will be
trumpeted abroad as vindication of these criticisms. For that
reason, I take the trouble to point out that the dissenting opinion
has nothing substantial to support it.
It should be noted at the outset that the
dissent does not discuss a single case—not one—in which it is clear
that a person was executed for a crime he did not commit. If such
an event had occurred in recent years, we would not have to hunt
for it; the innocent’s name would be shouted from the rooftops by
the abolition lobby. The dissent makes much of the new-found
capacity of DNA testing to establish innocence. But in every case
of an executed defendant of which I am aware, that technology has
confirmed guilt.
This happened, for instance, only a few months
ago in the case of Roger Coleman. Coleman was convicted of the
gruesome rape and murder of his sister-in-law, but he persuaded
many that he was actually innocent and became the poster-child for
the abolitionist lobby. See Glod & Shear, DNA Tests Confirm
Guilt of Man Executed by Va., Washington Post, Jan. 13, 2006, p.
A1; Dao, DNA Ties Man Executed in ’92 to the Murder He Denied,
N. Y. Times, Jan. 13, 2006, p. A14. Around the time of his
eventual execution, “his picture was on the cover of Time magazine
(‘This Man Might Be Innocent. This Man Is Due to Die’). He was
interviewed from death row on ‘Larry King Live,’ the ‘Today’ show,
‘Primetime Live,’ ‘Good Morning America’ and ‘The Phil Donahue
Show.’ ” Frankel, Burden of Proof, Washington Post, May 14,
2006, pp. W8, W11. Even one Justice of this Court, in an opinion
filed shortly before the execution, cautioned that “Coleman has now
produced substantial evidence that he may be innocent of the crime
for which he was sentenced to die.”
Coleman v.
Thompson, 504 U. S. 188, 189
(1992) (Blackmun, J., dissenting). Coleman ultimately failed a
lie-detector test offered by the Governor of Virginia as a
condition of a possible stay; he was executed on May 20, 1992.
Frankel,
supra, at W23; Glod & Shear, Warner Orders
DNA Testing in Case of Man Executed in ’92, Washington Post, Jan.
6, 2006, pp. A1, A6.
In the years since then, Coleman’s case became
a rallying point for abolitionists, who hoped it would offer what
they consider the “Holy Grail: proof from a test tube that an
innocent person had been executed.” Frankel,
supra, at
W24. But earlier this year, a DNA test ordered by a later Governor
of Virginia proved that Coleman was guilty, see,
e.g.,
Glod & Shear, DNA Tests Confirm Guilt of Man Executed by Va.,
supra, at A1; Dao,
supra, at A14, even though his
defense team had “proved” his innocence and had even identified
“the real killer” (with whom they eventually settled a defamation
suit). See Frankel,
supra, at W23. And Coleman’s case is
not unique. See Truth and Consequences: The Penalty of Death, in
Debating the Death Penalty: Should America Have Capital Punishment?
The Experts on Both Sides Make Their Best Case, 128–129 (H. Bedau
& P. Cassell eds. 2004) (discussing the cases of supposed
innocents Rick McGinn and Derek Barnabei, whose guilt was also
confirmed by DNA tests).
Instead of identifying and discussing any
particular case or cases of mistaken execution, the dissent simply
cites a handful of studies that bemoan the alleged prevalence of
wrongful death sentences. One study (by Lanier and Acker) is quoted
by the dissent as claiming that “ ‘more than 110’ death row
prisoners have been released since 1973 upon findings that they
were innocent of the crimes charged, and ‘hundreds of additional
wrongful convictions in potentially capital cases have been
documented over the past century.’ ”
Post, at 8
(opinion of Souter, J.). For the first point, Lanier and Acker cite
the work of the Death Penalty Information Center (more about that
below) and an article in a law review jointly authored by Radelet,
Lofquist, and Bedau (two professors of sociology and a professor of
philosophy). For the second point, they cite only a 1987 article by
Bedau and Radelet. See Miscarriages of Justice in Potentially
Capital Cases, 40 Stan. L. Rev. 21. In the very same paragraph
which the dissent quotes, Lanier and Acker also refer to that 1987
article as “hav[ing] identified 23 individuals who, in their
judgment, were convicted and executed in this country during the
20th century notwithstanding their innocence.” Lanier & Acker,
Capital Punishment, the Moratorium Movement, and Empirical
Questions, 10 Psychology, Public Policy & Law 577, 593 (2004).
This 1987 article has been highly influential in the abolitionist
world. Hundreds of academic articles, including those relied on by
today’s dissent, have cited it. It also makes its appearance in
judicial decisions—cited recently in a six-judge dissent in
House v.
Bell, 386 F. 3d 668, 708 (CA6 2004)
(en banc) (Merritt, J., dissenting), for the proposition that “the
system is allowing some innocent defendants to be executed.” The
article therefore warrants some further observations.
The 1987 article’s obsolescence began at the
moment of publication. The most recent executions it considered
were in 1984, 1964, and 1951; the rest predate the Allied victory
in World War II. (Two of the supposed innocents are Sacco and
Vanzetti.) Bedau & Radelet,
supra, at 73. Even if the
innocence claims made in this study were true, all except (perhaps)
the 1984 example would cast no light upon the functioning of our
current system of capital adjudication. The legal community’s
general attitude toward criminal defendants, the legal protections
States afford, the constitutional guarantees this Court enforces,
and the scope of federal habeas review, are all vastly different
from what they were in 1961. So are the scientific means of
establishing guilt, and hence innocence—which are now so striking
in their operation and effect that they are the subject of more
than one popular TV series. (One of these new means, of course, is
DNA testing—which the dissent seems to think is primarily a way to
identify defendants erroneously convicted, rather than a highly
effective way to avoid conviction of the innocent.)
But their current relevance aside, this
study’s conclusions are unverified. And if the support for its most
significant conclusion—the execution of 23 innocents in the 20th
century—is any indication of its accuracy, neither it, nor any
study so careless as to rely upon it, is worthy of credence. The
only execution of an innocent man it alleges to have occurred after
the restoration of the death penalty in 1976—the Florida execution
of James Adams in 1984—is the easiest case to verify. As evidence
of Adams’ innocence, it describes a hair that could not have been
his as being “clutched in the victim’s hand,” Bedau & Radelet,
supra, at 91
. The hair was
not in the
victim’s hand; “[i]t was a remnant of a sweeping of the ambulance
and so could have come from another source.” Markman & Cassell,
Protecting the Innocent: A Response to the Bedau-Radelet Study, 41
Stan. L. Rev. 121, 131 (1988). The study also claims that a
witness who “heard a voice inside the victim’s home at the time of
the crime” testified that the “voice was a woman’s,” Bedau &
Radelet,
supra, at 91. The witness’s actual testimony was
that the voice, which said “ ‘ “In the name of God, don’t
do it” ’ ” (and was hence unlikely to have been the voice
of anyone but the male victim), “ ‘sounded “kind of like a
woman’s voice, kind of like strangling or something
… .” ’ ” Markman & Cassell, Protecting the
Innocent, at 130. Bedau and Radelet failed to mention that upon
arrest on the afternoon of the murder Adams was found with some
$200 in his pocket—one bill of which “was stained with type O
blood. When Adams was asked about the blood on the money, he said
that it came from a cut on his finger. His blood was type AB,
however, while the victim’s was type O.”
Id., at 132.
Among the other unmentioned, incriminating details: that the
victim’s
eyeglasses were found in Adams’ car, along with
jewelry belonging to the victim, and clothing of Adams’ stained
with type O blood.
Ibid. This is just a sample of the
evidence arrayed against this “innocent.” See
id., at
128–133, 148–150.
Critics have questioned the study’s findings
with regard to all its other cases of execution of alleged
innocents for which “appellate opinions … set forth the facts
proved at trial in detail sufficient to permit a neutral observer
to assess the validity of the authors’ conclusions.”
Id.,
at 134. (For the rest, there was not “a reasonably complete account
of the facts … readily available,”
id., at 145.) As to
those cases, the only readily verifiable ones, the authors of the
1987 study later acknowledged, “We agree with our critics that we
have not ‘proved’ these executed defendants to be innocent; we
never claimed that we had.” Bedau & Radelet, The Myth of
Infallibility: A Reply to Markman and Cassell, 41 Stan.
L. Rev. 161, 164 (1988). One would have hoped that this
disclaimer of the study’s most striking conclusion, if not the
study’s dubious methodology, would have prevented it from being
cited as authority in the pages of the United States Reports.
But alas, it is too late for that. Although today’s dissent relies
on the study only indirectly, the two dissenters who were on the
Court in January 1993 have already embraced it. “One impressive
study,” they noted (referring to the 1987 study), “has concluded
that 23 innocent people have been executed in the United States in
this century, including one as recently as 1984.”
Herrera
v.
Collins, 506 U. S. 390, 430, n. 1 (1993)
(Blackmun, J., joined by Stevens and Souter, JJ.,
dissenting).[
Footnote 4]
Remarkably avoiding any claim of erroneous
executions, the dissent focuses on the large numbers of
non-executed “exonerees” paraded by various professors. It
speaks as though exoneration came about through the operation of
some outside force to correct the mistakes of our legal system,
rather than
as a consequence of the functioning of our legal
system. Reversal of an erroneous conviction on appeal or on
habeas, or the pardoning of an innocent condemnee through executive
clemency, demonstrates not the failure of the system but its
success. Those devices are part and parcel of the multiple
assurances that are applied before a death sentence is carried
out.
Of course even in identifying exonerees, the
dissent is willing to accept anybody’s say-so. It engages in no
critical review, but merely parrots articles or reports that
support its attack on the American criminal justice system.
The dissent places significant weight, for instance, on the
Illinois Report (compiled by the appointees of an Illinois Governor
who had declared a moratorium upon the death penalty and who
eventually commuted all death sentences in the State, see Warden,
Illinois Death Penalty Reform: How It Happened, What It Promises,
95 J. Crim. L. & C. 381, 406–407, 410 (2006)), which it claims
shows that “false verdicts” are “remarkable in number.”
Post, at 9 (opinion of Souter, J.). The dissent claims
that this Report identifies 13 inmates released from death row
after they were determined to be innocent. To take one of these
cases, discussed by the dissent as an example of a judgment “as
close to innocence as any judgments courts normally render,”
post, at 7, n. 2: In
People v.
Smith, 185 Ill. 2d 532, 708 N. E. 2d 365 (1999) the
defendant was twice convicted of murder. After his first trial, the
Supreme Court of Illinois “reversed [his] conviction based upon
certain evidentiary errors” and remanded his case for a new trial.
Id., at 534, 708 N. E. 2d, at 366. The second jury
convicted Smith again. The Supreme Court of Illinois again reversed
the conviction because it found that the evidence was insufficient
to establish guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.
Id., at
542–543, 708 N. E. 2d, at 370–371. The court explained:
“While a not guilty finding is sometimes equated
with a finding of innocence, that conclusion is erroneous. Courts
do not find people guilty or innocent. . . . A not guilty verdict
expresses no view as to a defendant’s innocence. Rather, [a
reversal of conviction] indicates simply that the prosecution has
failed to meet its burden of proof.”
Id., at 545, 708 N.
E. 2d, at 371.
This case alone suffices to refute the dissent’s
claim that the Illinois Report distinguishes between “exoneration
of a convict because of actual innocence, and reversal of a
judgment because of legal error affecting conviction or sentence
but not inconsistent with guilt in fact,”
post, at 7,
n. 2. The broader point, however, is that it is utterly
impossible to regard “exoneration”—however casually defined—as a
failure of the capital justice system, rather than as a vindication
of its effectiveness in releasing not only defendants who are
innocent, but those whose guilt has not been established beyond a
reasonable doubt.
Another of the dissent’s leading authorities
on exoneration of the innocent is Gross, Jacoby, Matheson,
Montgomery, & Patil, Exonerations in the United States 1989
Through 2003, 95 J. Crim. L. & C. 523 (2006) (hereinafter
Gross). The dissent quotes that study’s self-congratulatory
“criteria” of exoneration—seemingly so rigorous that no one could
doubt the study’s reliability. See
post, at 8, n. 3
(opinion of Souter, J.). But in fact that article, like the others
cited, is notable not for its rigorous investigation and analysis,
but for the fervor of its belief that the American justice system
is condemning the innocent “in numbers,” as the dissent puts it,
“never imagined before the development of DNA tests.”
Post, at 6 (opinion of Souter, J.). Among the article’s
list of 74 “exonerees,” Gross 529, is Jay Smith of Pennsylvania.
Smith—a school principal—earned three death sentences for slaying
one of his teachers and her two young children. See
Smith
v.
Holtz, 210 F. 3d 186, 188 (CA3 2000). His retrial
for triple murder was barred on double jeopardy grounds because of
prosecutorial misconduct during the first trial.
Id., at
194. But Smith could not leave well enough alone. He had the gall
to sue, under 42 U. S. C. §1983, for false imprisonment. The
Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit affirmed the jury verdict
for the defendants, observing along the way that “our confidence in
Smith’s convictions is not diminished in the least. We remain
firmly convinced of the integrity of those guilty verdicts.” 210
F. 3d, at 198.
Another “exonerated” murderer in the Gross
study is Jeremy Sheets, convicted in Nebraska. His accomplice in
the rape and murder of a girl had been secretly tape recorded; he
“admitted that he drove the car used in the murder … , and
implicated Sheets in the murder.”
Sheets v.
Butera, 389 F. 3d 772, 775 (CA8 2004). The accomplice
was arrested and eventually described the murder in greater detail,
after which a plea agreement was arranged, conditioned on the
accomplice’s full cooperation.
Ibid. The resulting taped
confession, which implicated Sheets, was “[t]he crucial portion of
the State’s case,”
State v.
Sheets, 260 Neb. 325,
327, 618 N. W. 2d 117, 122 (2000). But the accomplice
committed suicide in jail, depriving Sheets of the opportunity to
cross-examine him. This, the Nebraska Supreme Court held, rendered
the evidence inadmissible under the Sixth Amendment.
Id.,
at 328, 335–351, 618 N. W. 2d, at 123, 127–136. After the
central evidence was excluded, the State did not retry Sheets.
Sheets v.
Butera, 389 F. 3d, at 776. Sheets
brought a §1983 claim; the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth
Circuit affirmed the District Court’s grant of summary judgment
against him.
Id., at 780. Sheets also sought the $1,000 he
had been required to pay to the Nebraska Victim’s Compensation
Fund; the State Attorney General—far from concluding that Sheets
had been “exonerated” and was entitled to the money—refused to
return it. The court action left open the possibility that Sheets
could be retried, and the Attorney General did “not believe the
reversal on the ground of improper admission of evidence … is a
favorable disposition of charges,” Neb. Op. Atty. Gen. No. 01036
(Nov. 9), 2001 WL 1503144, *3.
In its inflation of the word “exoneration,”
the Gross article hardly stands alone; mischaracterization of
reversible error as actual innocence is endemic in abolitionist
rhetoric, and other prominent catalogues of “innocence” in the
death-penalty context suffer from the same defect. Perhaps the
best-known of them is the List of Those Freed From Death Row,
maintained by the Death Penalty Information Center. See http://www.
deathpenaltyinfo.org/article.php?scid=6&did=110. This includes
the cases from the Gross article described above, but also enters
some dubious candidates of its own. Delbert Tibbs is one of them.
We considered his case in
Tibbs v.
Florida,
457 U. S. 31
(1982), concluding that the Double Jeopardy Clause does not bar a
retrial when a conviction is “revers[ed] based on the weight,
rather than the sufficiency, of the evidence,”
id., at 32.
The case involved a man and a woman hitchhiking together in
Florida. A driver who picked them up sodomized and raped the woman,
and killed her boyfriend. She eventually escaped and positively
identified Tibbs. See
id., at 32–33. The Florida Supreme
Court reversed the conviction on a 4-to-3 vote. 337 So. 2d 788
(1976). The Florida courts then grappled with whether Tibbs could
be retried without violating the Double Jeopardy Clause. The
Florida Supreme Court determined not only that there was no
double-jeopardy problem, 397 So. 2d 1120, 1127 (1981)
(per
curiam), but that the
very basis on which it had reversed
the conviction was no longer valid law,
id., at 1125,
and that its action in “reweigh[ing] the evidence” in Tibbs’ case
had been “clearly improper,”
id., at 1126. After we
affirmed the Florida Supreme Court, however, the State felt
compelled to drop the charges. The State Attorney explained this to
the Florida Commission on Capital Cases: “ ‘By the time of the
retrial, [the] witness/victim … had progressed from a marijuana
smoker to a crack user and I could not put her up on the stand, so
I declined to prosecute. Tibbs, in my opinion, was never an
innocent man wrongfully accused. He was a lucky human being. He was
guilty, he was lucky and now he is free. His 1974 conviction was
not a miscarriage of justice.’ ” Florida Commission on Capital
Cases, Case Histories: A Review of 24 Individuals Released From
Death Row 136–137 (rev. Sept. 10, 2002)
http://www.floridacapitalcases.state.fl.us/
Publications/innocentsproject.pdf. Other state officials involved
made similar points.
Id., at 137.
Of course, even with its distorted concept of
what constitutes “exoneration,” the claims of the Gross article are
fairly modest: Between 1989 and 2003, the authors identify 340
“exonerations”
nationwide—not just for capital cases, mind
you, nor even just for murder convictions, but for various
felonies. Gross 529. Joshua Marquis, a district attorney in Oregon,
recently responded to this article as follows:
“[L]et’s give the professor the benefit of the
doubt: let’s assume that he understated the number of innocents by
roughly a factor of 10, that instead of 340 there were 4,000 people
in prison who weren’t involved in the crime in any way. During that
same 15 years, there were more than 15 million felony convictions
across the country. That would make the error rate .027 percent—or,
to put it another way, a success rate of 99.973 percent.” The
Innocent and the Shammed, N. Y. Times, Jan. 26, 2006, p.
A23.
The dissent’s suggestion that capital defendants
are
especially liable to suffer from the lack of 100%
perfection in our criminal justice system is implausible. Capital
cases are given especially close scrutiny at every level, which is
why in most cases many years elapse before the sentence is
executed. And of course capital cases receive special attention in
the application of executive clemency. Indeed, one of the arguments
made by abolitionists is that the process of finally completing all
the appeals and reexaminations of capital sentences is so lengthy,
and thus so expensive for the State, that the game is not worth the
candle. The proof of the pudding, of course, is that as far as
anyone can determine (and many are looking),
none of cases
included in the .027% error rate for American verdicts involved a
capital defendant erroneously executed.
Since 1976 there have been approximately a
half million murders in the United States. In that time, 7,000
murderers have been sentenced to death; about 950 of them have been
executed; and about 3,700 inmates are currently on death row. See
Marquis, The Myth of Innocence, 95 J. Crim. L. & C. 501, 518
(2006). As a consequence of the sensitivity of the criminal justice
system to the due-process rights of defendants sentenced to death,
almost two-thirds of all death sentences are overturned. See
ibid. “Virtually none” of these reversals, however, are
attributable to a defendant’s “ ‘actual innocence.’ ”
Ibid. Most are based on legal errors that have little or
nothing to do with guilt. See
id., at 519–520. The studies
cited by the dissent demonstrate nothing more.
Like other human institutions, courts and
juries are not perfect. One cannot have a system of criminal
punishment without accepting the possibility that someone will be
punished mistakenly. That is a truism, not a revelation. But with
regard to the punishment of death in the current American system,
that possibility has been reduced to an insignificant minimum. This
explains why those ideologically driven to ferret out and proclaim
a mistaken modern execution have not a single verifiable case to
point to, whereas it is easy as pie to identify plainly guilty
murderers who have been set free. The American people have
determined that the good to be derived from capital punishment—in
deterrence, and perhaps most of all in the meting out of condign
justice for horrible crimes—outweighs the risk of error. It is no
proper part of the business of this Court, or of its Justices, to
second-guess that judgment, much less to impugn it before the
world, and less still to frustrate it by imposing judicially
invented obstacles to its execution.
Footnote 1
The dissent observes that Congress did not
initially grant us the full jurisdiction that the Constitution
authorizes, but only allowed us to review cases
rejecting
the assertion of governing federal law. See
post, at 3–4,
n. (opinion of Stevens, J.). That is unsurprising and
immaterial. The original Constitution contained few guarantees of
individual rights against the States, and in clashes of
governmental authority there was small risk that the state courts
would erroneously side with the new Federal Government. (In 1789,
when the first Judiciary Act was passed, the Bill of Rights had not
yet been adopted, and once it was, it did not apply against the
States, see
Barron ex rel. Tiernan v.
Mayor of
Baltimore, 7 Pet. 243 (1833).) Congress would have been most
unlikely to contemplate that state courts would erroneously
invalidate state actions on federal grounds. The early history of
our jurisdiction assuredly does not support the dissent’s awarding
of special preference to the constitutional rights of criminal
defendants. Even with respect to
federal defendants (who
did enjoy the protections of the Bill of Rights), “during
the first 100 years of the Court’s existence there was no provision
made by Congress for Supreme Court review of federal criminal
convictions, an omission that Congress did not remedy until 1889
and beyond.” R. Stern, E. Gressman, S. Shapiro, & K. Geller,
Supreme Court Practice 66 (8th ed. 2002). In any case,
present law is plain. The 1988 statute cited by the
dissent and forming the basis of our current certiorari
jurisdiction places States and defendants in precisely the same
position. They are both entitled to petition for our review.
Footnote 2
Not only are the dissent’s views on the
erroneous imposition of the death penalty irrelevant to the present
case, but the dissent’s proposed holding on the equipoise issue
will not necessarily work to defendants’ advantage. The equipoise
provision of the Kansas statute imposes the death penalty only when
the State proves
beyond a reasonable doubt that mitigating
factors do not outweigh the aggravators. See
ante, at 2.
If we were to disallow Kansas’s scheme, the State could, as Marsh
freely admits, replace it with a scheme requiring the State to
prove
by a mere preponderance of the evidence
that the aggravators outweigh the mitigators. See Tr. of Oral
Rearg. 36. I doubt that any defense counsel would accept this
trade. The “preponderance” rule, while it sounds better, would
almost surely produce more death sentences than an “equipoise
beyond a reasonable doubt” requirement.
Footnote 3
It is commonly recognized that “[m]any
European countries … abolished the death penalty in spite of public
opinion rather than because of it.” Bibas, Transparency and
Participation in Criminal Procedure, 81 N. Y. U. L. Rev.
911, 931–932 (2006). See also
id., at 932, n. 88.
Abolishing the death penalty has been made a condition of joining
the Council of Europe, which is in turn a condition of obtaining
the economic benefits of joining the European Union. See Waters,
Mediating Norms and Identity: The Role of Transnational Judicial
Dialogue in Creating and Enforcing International Law, 93 Geo.
L. J. 487, 525 (2005); Demleitner, Is There a Future for
Leniency in the U. S. Criminal Justice System? 103 Mich.
L. Rev. 1231, 1256, and n. 88 (2005). The European Union
advocates against the death-penalty even
in America; there
is a separate death-penalty page on the website of the Delegation
of the European Commission to the U. S. A. See
http://www.eurunion.org/legislat/deathpenalty/deathpenhome.htm (as
visited June 17, 2006, and available in Clerk of Court’s case
file). The views of the European Union have been relied upon by
Justices of this Court (including all four dissenters today) in
narrowing the power of the American people to impose capital
punishment. See,
e.g.,
Atkins v.
Virginia, 536 U. S. 304, 317, n.
21 (2002) (citing, for the views of “the world community,” the
Brief for the European Union as
Amicus Curiae).
Footnote 4
See also
Callins v.
Collins,
510 U. S. 1141, 1158,
n. 8 (1994) (Blackmun, J., dissenting from denial of
certiorari) (“Innocent persons
have been executed, see
Bedau & Radelet, Miscarriages of Justice in Potentially Capital
Cases, 40 Stan. L. Rev. 21, 36, 173–179 (1987), perhaps
recently, see
Herrera v.
Collins, 506 U. S. 390 (1993), and will
continue to be executed under our death penalty scheme”).
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