SOUTER, J., DISSENTING
GARCETTI V. CEBALLOS
547 U. S. ____ (2006)
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
NO. 04-473
GIL GARCETTI, et al., PETITIONERS
v.
RICHARD CEBALLOS
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of
appeals for the ninth circuit
[May 30, 2006]
Justice Souter, with whom Justice
Stevens and Justice Ginsburg join, dissenting.
The Court holds that “when public
employees make statements pursuant to their official duties, the
employees are not speaking as citizens for First Amendment
purposes, and the Constitution does not insulate their
communications from employer discipline.”
Ante, at 9. I
respectfully dissent. I agree with the majority that a government
employer has substantial interests in effectuating its chosen
policy and objectives, and in demanding competence, honesty, and
judgment from employees who speak for it in doing their work. But I
would hold that private and public interests in addressing official
wrongdoing and threats to health and safety can outweigh the
government’s stake in the efficient implementation of policy, and
when they do public employees who speak on these matters in the
course of their duties should be eligible to claim First Amendment
protection.
I
Open speech by a private citizen
on a matter of public importance lies at the heart of expression
subject to protection by the First Amendment. See,
e.g.,
Schenck v.
Pro-Choice Network of Western N. Y.,
519 U. S. 357,
377 (1997). At the other extreme, a statement by a government
employee complaining about nothing beyond treatment under personnel
rules raises no greater claim to constitutional protection against
retaliatory response than the remarks of a private employee. See
Connick v.
Myers, 461 U. S. 138, 147
(1983). In between these points lies a public employee’s speech
unwelcome to the government but on a significant public issue. Such
an employee speaking as a citizen, that is, with a citizen’s
interest, is protected from reprisal unless the statements are too
damaging to the government’s capacity to conduct public business to
be justified by any individual or public benefit thought to flow
from the statements.
Pickering v.
Board of Ed. of
Township High School Dist. 205, Will Cty., 391 U. S. 563, 568 (1968). Entitlement
to protection is thus not absolute.
This significant, albeit
qualified, protection of public employees who irritate the
government is understood to flow from the First Amendment, in part,
because a government paycheck does nothing to eliminate the value
to an individual of speaking on public matters, and there is no
good reason for categorically discounting a speaker’s interest in
commenting on a matter of public concern just because the
government employs him. Still, the First Amendment safeguard rests
on something more, being the value to the public of receiving the
opinions and information that a public employee may disclose.
“Government employees are often in the best position to know what
ails the agencies for which they work.”
Waters v.
Churchill, 511 U. S. 661, 674
(1994).
The reason that protection of employee speech
is qualified is that it can distract co-workers and supervisors
from their tasks at hand and thwart the implementation of
legitimate policy, the risks of which grow greater the closer the
employee’s speech gets to commenting on his own workplace and
responsibilities. It is one thing for an office clerk to say there
is waste in government and quite another to charge that his own
department pays full-time salaries to part-time workers. Even so,
we have regarded eligibility for protection by
Pickering
balancing as the proper approach when an employee speaks critically
about the administration of his own government employer. In
Givhan v.
Western Line Consol. School Dist.,
439 U. S. 410
(1979), we followed
Pickering when a teacher was fired for
complaining to a superior about the racial composition of the
school’s administrative, cafeteria, and library staffs, 439 U. S.,
at 413–414, and the same point was clear in
Madison Joint
School Dist. No. 8 v.
Wisconsin Employment Relations
Comm’n, 429 U.
S. 167 (1976). That case was decided, in part, with reference
to the
Pickering framework, and the Court there held that
a schoolteacher speaking out on behalf of himself and others at a
public school board meeting could not be penalized for criticizing
pending collective-bargaining negotiations affecting professional
employment.
Madison noted that the teacher “addressed the
school board not merely as one of its employees but also as a
concerned citizen, seeking to express his views on an important
decision of his government.” 429 U. S., at 174–175. In each case,
the Court realized that a public employee can wear a citizen’s hat
when speaking on subjects closely tied to the employee’s own job,
and
Givhan stands for the same conclusion even when the
speech is not addressed to the public at large. Cf.
Pegram
v.
Herdrich, 530 U. S. 211, 225
(2000) (recognizing that, factually, a trustee under the Employee
Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 can both act as ERISA
fiduciary and act on behalf of the employer).
The difference between a case like
Givhan and this one is that the subject of Ceballos’s
speech fell within the scope of his job responsibilities, whereas
choosing personnel was not what the teacher was hired to do. The
effect of the majority’s constitutional line between these two
cases, then, is that a
Givhan schoolteacher is protected
when complaining to the principal about hiring policy, but a school
personnel officer would not be if he protested that the principal
disapproved of hiring minority job applicants. This is an odd place
to draw a distinction,[
Footnote
1] and while necessary judicial line-drawing sometimes looks
arbitrary, any distinction obliges a court to justify its choice.
Here, there is no adequate justification for the majority’s line
categorically denying
Pickering protection to any speech
uttered “pursuant to … official duties,”
ante, at 9.
As all agree, the qualified speech protection
embodied in
Pickering balancing resolves the tension
between individual and public interests in the speech, on the one
hand, and the government’s interest in operating efficiently
without distraction or embarrassment by talkative or
headline-grabbing employees. The need for a balance hardly
disappears when an employee speaks on matters his job requires him
to address; rather, it seems obvious that the individual and public
value of such speech is no less, and may well be greater, when the
employee speaks pursuant to his duties in addressing a subject he
knows intimately for the very reason that it falls within his
duties.[
Footnote 2]
As for the importance of such speech to the
individual, it stands to reason that a citizen may well place a
very high value on a right to speak on the public issues he decides
to make the subject of his work day after day. Would anyone doubt
that a school principal evaluating the performance of teachers for
promotion or pay adjustment retains a citizen’s interest in
addressing the quality of teaching in the schools? (Still, the
majority indicates he could be fired without First Amendment
recourse for fair but unfavorable comment when the teacher under
review is the superintendent’s daughter.) Would anyone deny that a
prosecutor like Richard Ceballos may claim the interest of any
citizen in speaking out against a rogue law enforcement officer,
simply because his job requires him to express a judgment about the
officer’s performance? (But the majority says the First Amendment
gives Ceballos no protection, even if his judgment in this case was
sound and appropriately expressed.)
Indeed, the very idea of categorically
separating the citizen’s interest from the employee’s interest
ignores the fact that the ranks of public service include those who
share the poet’s “object … to unite [m]y avocation and my
vocation;”[
Footnote 3] these
citizen servants are the ones whose civic interest rises highest
when they speak pursuant to their duties, and these are exactly the
ones government employers most want to attract.[
Footnote 4] There is no question that public
employees speaking on matters they are obliged to address would
generally place a high value on a right to speak, as any
responsible citizen would.
Nor is there any reason to raise the
counterintuitive question whether the public interest in hearing
informed employees evaporates when they speak as required on some
subject at the core of their jobs. Two Terms ago, we recalled the
public value that the
Pickering Court perceived in the
speech of public employees as a class: “Underlying the decision in
Pickering is the recognition that public employees are
often the members of the community who are likely to have informed
opinions as to the operations of their public employers, operations
which are of substantial concern to the public. Were they not able
to speak on these matters, the community would be deprived of
informed opinions on important public issues. The interest at stake
is as much the public’s interest in receiving informed opinion as
it is the employee’s own right to disseminate it.”
San
Diego v.
Roe, 543 U. S. 77, 82 (2004)
(per curiam) (citation omitted). This is not a whit less
true when an employee’s job duties require him to speak about such
things: when, for example, a public auditor speaks on his discovery
of embezzlement of public funds, when a building inspector makes an
obligatory report of an attempt to bribe him, or when a law
enforcement officer expressly balks at a superior’s order to
violate constitutional rights he is sworn to protect. (The
majority, however, places all these speakers beyond the reach of
First Amendment protection against retaliation.)
Nothing, then, accountable on the individual
and public side of the
Pickering balance changes when an
employee speaks “pursuant” to public duties. On the side of the
government employer, however, something is different, and to this
extent, I agree with the majority of the Court. The majority is
rightly concerned that the employee who speaks out on matters
subject to comment in doing his own work has the greater leverage
to create office uproars and fracture the government’s authority to
set policy to be carried out coherently through the ranks.
“Official communications have official consequences, creating a
need for substantive consistency and clarity. Supervisors must
ensure that their employees’ official communications are accurate,
demonstrate sound judgment, and promote the employer’s mission,”
ante, at 11. Up to a point, then, the majority makes good
points: government needs civility in the workplace, consistency in
policy, and honesty and competence in public service.
But why do the majority’s concerns, which we
all share, require categorical exclusion of First Amendment
protection against any official retaliation for things said on the
job? Is it not possible to respect the unchallenged individual and
public interests in the speech through a
Pickering balance
without drawing the strange line I mentioned before,
supra, at 3–4? This is, to be sure, a matter of judgment,
but the judgment has to account for the undoubted value of speech
to those, and by those, whose specific public job responsibilities
bring them face to face with wrongdoing and incompetence in
government, who refuse to avert their eyes and shut their mouths.
And it has to account for the need actually to disrupt government
if its officials are corrupt or dangerously incompetent. See
n. 4,
supra. It is thus no adequate justification for
the suppression of potentially valuable information simply to
recognize that the government has a huge interest in managing its
employees and preventing the occasionally irresponsible one from
turning his job into a bully pulpit. Even there, the lesson of
Pickering (and the object of most constitutional
adjudication) is still to the point: when constitutionally
significant interests clash, resist the demand for winner-take-all;
try to make adjustments that serve all of the values at stake.
Two reasons in particular make me think an
adjustment using the basic
Pickering balancing scheme is
perfectly feasible here. First, the extent of the government’s
legitimate authority over subjects of speech required by a public
job can be recognized in advance by setting in effect a minimum
heft for comments with any claim to outweigh it. Thus, the risks to
the government are great enough for us to hold from the outset that
an employee commenting on subjects in the course of duties should
not prevail on balance unless he speaks on a matter of unusual
importance and satisfies high standards of responsibility in the
way he does it. The examples I have already given indicate the
eligible subject matter, and it is fair to say that only comment on
official dishonesty, deliberately unconstitutional action, other
serious wrongdoing, or threats to health and safety can weigh out
in an employee’s favor. If promulgation of this standard should
fail to discourage meritless actions premised on 42 U. S. C.
§1983 (or
Bivens v.
Six Unknown Fed. Narcotics
Agents, 403 U.
S. 388 (1971)) before they get filed, the standard itself would
sift them out at the summary-judgment stage.[
Footnote 5]
My second reason for adapting
Pickering to the circumstances at hand is the experience
in Circuits that have recognized claims like Ceballos’s here. First
Amendment protection less circumscribed than what I would recognize
has been available in the Ninth Circuit for over 17 years, and
neither there nor in other Circuits that accept claims like this
one has there been a debilitating flood of litigation. There has
indeed been some: as represented by Ceballos’s lawyer at oral
argument, each year over the last five years, approximately 70
cases in the different Courts of Appeals and approximately 100 in
the various District Courts. Tr. of Oral Arg. 58–59. But even these
figures reflect a readiness to litigate that might well have been
cooled by my view about the importance required before
Pickering treatment is in order.
For that matter, the majority’s position comes
with no guarantee against factbound litigation over whether a
public employee’s statements were made “pursuant to … official
duties,”
ante, at 9. In fact, the majority invites such
litigation by describing the enquiry as a “practical one,”
ante, at 13, apparently based on the totality of
employment circumstances.[
Footnote
6] See n. 2,
supra. Are prosecutors’
discretionary statements about cases addressed to the press on the
courthouse steps made “pursuant to their official duties”? Are
government nuclear scientists’ complaints to their supervisors
about a colleague’s improper handling of radioactive materials made
“pursuant” to duties?
II
The majority seeks support in two
lines of argument extraneous to
Pickering doctrine. The
one turns on a fallacious reading of cases on government speech,
the other on a mistaken assessment of protection available under
whistle-blower statutes.
A
The majority accepts the fallacy
propounded by the county petitioners and the Federal Government as
amicus that any statement made within the scope of public
employment is (or should be treated as) the government’s own
speech, see
ante, at 10, and should thus be differentiated
as a matter of law from the personal statements the First Amendment
protects, see
Broadrick v.
Oklahoma,
413 U. S. 601, 610
(1973). The majority invokes the interpretation set out in
Rosenberger v.
Rector and Visitors of Univ. of
Va., 515 U. S.
819 (1995), of
Rust v.
Sullivan, 500 U. S. 173 (1991),
which held there was no infringement of the speech rights of Title
X funds recipients and their staffs when the Government forbade any
on-the-job counseling in favor of abortion as a method of family
planning,
id., at 192–200. We have read
Rust to
mean that “when the government appropriates public funds to promote
a particular policy of its own it is entitled to say what it
wishes.”
Rosenberger, supra, at 833.
The key to understanding the
difference between this case and
Rust lies in the terms of
the respective employees’ jobs and, in particular, the extent to
which those terms require espousal of a substantive position
prescribed by the government in advance. Some public employees are
hired to “promote a particular policy” by broadcasting a particular
message set by the government, but not everyone working for the
government, after all, is hired to speak from a government
manifesto. See
Legal Services Corporation v.
Velazquez, 531 U. S. 533, 542
(2001). There is no claim or indication that Ceballos was hired to
perform such a speaking assignment. He was paid to enforce the law
by constitutional action: to exercise the county government’s
prosecutorial power by acting honestly, competently, and
constitutionally. The only sense in which his position apparently
required him to hew to a substantive message was at the relatively
abstract point of favoring respect for law and its evenhanded
enforcement, subjects that are not at the level of controversy in
this case and were not in
Rust. Unlike the doctors in
Rust, Ceballos was not paid to advance one specific policy
among those legitimately available, defined by a specific message
or limited by a particular message forbidden. The county
government’s interest in his speech cannot therefore be equated
with the terms of a specific, prescribed, or forbidden substantive
position comparable to the Federal Government’s interest in
Rust, and
Rust is no authority for the notion
that government may exercise plenary control over every comment
made by a public employee in doing his job.
It is not, of course, that the district
attorney lacked interest of a high order in what Ceballos might
say. If his speech undercut effective, lawful prosecution, there
would have been every reason to rein him in or fire him; a
statement that created needless tension among law enforcement
agencies would be a fair subject of concern, and the same would be
true of inaccurate statements or false ones made in the course of
doing his work. But these interests on the government’s part are
entirely distinct from any claim that Ceballos’s speech was
government speech with a preset or proscribed content as
exemplified in
Rust. Nor did the county petitioners here
even make such a claim in their answer to Ceballos’s complaint, see
n. 13,
infra.
The fallacy of the majority’s reliance on
Rosenberger’s understanding of
Rust
doctrine
, moreover, portends a bloated notion of
controllable government speech going well beyond the circumstances
of this case. Consider the breadth of the new formulation:
“Restricting speech that owes its existence to a
public employee’s professional responsibilities does not infringe
any liberties the employee might have enjoyed as a private citizen.
It simply reflects the exercise of employer control over what the
employer itself has commissioned or created.”
Ante, at
10.
This ostensible domain beyond the pale of the First
Amendment is spacious enough to include even the teaching of a
public university professor, and I have to hope that today’s
majority does not mean to imperil First Amendment protection of
academic freedom in public colleges and universities, whose
teachers necessarily speak and write “pursuant to official duties.”
See
Grutter v.
Bollinger, 539 U. S. 306, 329
(2003) (“We have long recognized that, given the important purpose
of public education and the expansive freedoms of speech and
thought associated with the university environment, universities
occupy a special niche in our constitutional tradition”);
Keyishian v.
Board of Regents of Univ. of State of N.
Y., 385 U. S.
589, 603 (1967) (“Our Nation is deeply committed to
safeguarding academic freedom, which is of transcendent value to
all of us and not merely to the teachers concerned. That freedom is
therefore a special concern of the First Amendment, which does not
tolerate laws that cast a pall of orthodoxy over the classroom.
‘The vigilant protection of constitutional freedoms is nowhere more
vital than in the community of American schools’ ” (quoting
Shelton v.
Tucker, 364 U. S. 479, 487
(1960)));
Sweezy v.
New Hampshire, 354 U. S. 234, 250
(1957) (a governmental enquiry into the contents of a scholar’s
lectures at a state university “unquestionably was an invasion of
[his] liberties in the areas of academic freedom and political
expression—areas in which government should be extremely reticent
to tread”).
B
The majority’s second argument
for its disputed limitation of
Pickering doctrine is that
the First Amendment has little or no work to do here owing to an
assertedly comprehensive complement of state and national statutes
protecting government whistle-blowers from vindictive bosses. See
ante, at 13–14. But even if I close my eyes to the tenet
that “ ‘[t]he applicability of a provision of the Constitution
has never depended on the vagaries of state or federal law,’ ”
Board of Comm’rs, Wabaunsee Cty. v.
Umbehr,
518 U. S. 668,
680 (1996), the majority’s counsel to rest easy fails on its own
terms.[
Footnote 7]
To begin with, speech addressing
official wrongdoing may well fall outside protected
whistle-blowing, defined in the classic sense of exposing an
official’s fault to a third party or to the public; the teacher in
Givhan, for example, who raised the issue of
unconstitutional hiring bias, would not have qualified as that sort
of whistle-blower, for she was fired after a private conversation
with the school principal. In any event, the combined variants of
statutory whistle-blower definitions and protections add up to a
patchwork, not a showing that worries may be remitted to
legislatures for relief. See D. Westman & N. Modesitt,
Whistleblowing: Law of Retaliatory Discharge 67–75, 281–307 (2d ed.
2004). Some state statutes protect all government workers,
including the employees of municipalities and other
subdivisions;[
Footnote 8]
others stop at state employees.[
Footnote 9] Some limit protection to employees who tell
their bosses before they speak out;[
Footnote 10] others forbid bosses from imposing any
requirement to warn.[
Footnote
11] As for the federal Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989, 5
U. S. C. §1213
et seq., current case law requires an
employee complaining of retaliation to show “ ‘irrefragable
proof ’ ” that the person criticized was not acting in
good faith and in compliance with the law, see
Lachance v.
White, 174 F. 3d 1378, 1381 (CA Fed. 1999), cert.
denied,
528 U. S.
1153 (2000). And federal employees have been held to have no
protection for disclosures made to immediate supervisors, see
Willis v.
Department of Agriculture, 141
F. 3d 1139, 1143 (CA Fed. 1998);
Horton v.
Department of Navy, 66 F. 3d 279, 282 (CA Fed. 1995),
cert. denied,
516
U. S. 1176 (1996), or for statements of facts publicly known
already, see
Francisco v.
Office of Personnel
Management, 295 F. 3d 1310, 1314 (CA Fed. 2002). Most
significantly, federal employees have been held to be unprotected
for statements made in connection with normal employment duties,
Huffman v.
Office of Personnel Management, 263
F. 3d 1341, 1352 (CA Fed. 2001), the very speech that the
majority says will be covered by “the powerful network of
legislative enactments … available to those who seek to expose
wrongdoing,”
ante, at 13–14.[
Footnote 12] My point is not to disparage particular
statutes or speak here to the merits of interpretations by other
federal courts, but merely to show the current understanding of
statutory protection: individuals doing the same sorts of
governmental jobs and saying the same sorts of things addressed to
civic concerns will get different protection depending on the
local, state, or federal jurisdictions that happened to employ
them.
III
The Court remands because the
Court of Appeals considered only the disposition memorandum and
because Ceballos charges retaliation for some speech apparently
outside the ambit of utterances “pursuant to official duties.” When
the Court of Appeals takes up this case once again, it should
consider some of the following facts that escape emphasis in the
majority opinion owing to its focus.[
Footnote 13] Ceballos says he sought his position out of
a personal commitment to perform civic work. After showing his
superior, petitioner Frank Sunstedt, the disposition memorandum at
issue in this case, Ceballos complied with Sunstedt’s direction to
tone down some accusatory rhetoric out of concern that the
memorandum would be unnecessarily incendiary when shown to the
Sheriff’s Department. After meeting with members of that
department, Ceballos told his immediate supervisor, petitioner
Carol Najera, that he thought
Brady v.
Maryland,
373 U. S. 83
(1963), obliged him to give the defense his internal memorandum as
exculpatory evidence. He says that Najera responded by ordering him
to write a new memorandum containing nothing but the deputy
sheriff’s statements, but that he balked at that. Instead, he
proposed to turn over the existing memorandum with his own
conclusions redacted as work product, and this is what he did. The
issue over revealing his conclusions arose again in preparing for
the suppression hearing. Ceballos maintains that Sunstedt ordered
Najera, representing the prosecution, to give the trial judge a
full picture of the circumstances, but that Najera told Ceballos he
would suffer retaliation if he testified that the affidavit
contained intentional fabrications. In any event, Ceballos’s
testimony generally stopped short of his own conclusions. After the
hearing, the trial judge denied the motion to suppress, explaining
that he found grounds independent of the challenged material
sufficient to show probable cause for the warrant.
Ceballos says that over the next
six months his supervisors retaliated against him[
Footnote 14] not only for his written
reports, see
ante, at 3, but also for his spoken
statements to them and his hearing testimony in the pending
criminal case. While an internal grievance filed by Ceballos
challenging these actions was pending, Ceballos spoke at a meeting
of the Mexican-American Bar Association about misconduct of the
Sheriff’s Department in the criminal case, the lack of any policy
at the District Attorney’s Office for handling allegations of
police misconduct, and the retaliatory acts he ascribed to his
supervisors. Two days later, the office dismissed Ceballos’s
grievance, a result he attributes in part to his Bar Association
speech.
Ceballos’s action against petitioners under 42
U. S. C. §1983 claims that the individuals retaliated against
him for exercising his First Amendment rights in submitting the
memorandum, discussing the matter with Najera and Sunstedt,
testifying truthfully at the hearing, and speaking at the bar
meeting.[
Footnote 15] As I
mentioned, the Court of Appeals saw no need to address the
protection afforded to Ceballos’s statements other than the
disposition memorandum, which it thought was protected under the
Pickering test. Upon remand, it will be open to the Court
of Appeals to consider the application of
Pickering to any
retaliation shown for other statements; not all of those statements
would have been made pursuant to official duties in any obvious
sense, and the claim relating to truthful testimony in court must
surely be analyzed independently to protect the integrity of the
judicial process.
Footnote 1
It seems stranger still in light of the
majority’s concession of some First Amendment protection when a
public employee repeats statements made pursuant to his duties but
in a separate, public forum or in a letter to a newspaper.
Ante, at 12.
Footnote 2
I do not say the value of speech “pursuant to
… duties” will always be greater, because I am pessimistic enough
to expect that one response to the Court’s holding will be moves by
government employers to expand stated job descriptions to include
more official duties and so exclude even some currently protectable
speech from First Amendment purview. Now that the government can
freely penalize the school personnel officer for criticizing the
principal because speech on the subject falls within the personnel
officer’s job responsibilities, the government may well try to
limit the English teacher’s options by the simple expedient of
defining teachers’ job responsibilities expansively, investing them
with a general obligation to ensure sound administration of the
school. Hence today’s rule presents the regrettable prospect that
protection under
Pickering v.
Board of Ed. of Township
High School Dist. 205, Will Cty., 391 U. S. 563 (1968), may be
diminished by expansive statements of employment duties.
The majority’s response, that the enquiry to
determine duties is a “practical one,”
ante, at 13, does
not alleviate this concern. It sets out a standard that will not
discourage government employers from setting duties expansively,
but will engender litigation to decide which stated duties were
actual and which were merely formal.
Footnote 3
R. Frost, Two Tramps in Mud Time, Collected
Poems, Prose, & Plays 251, 252 (R. Poirier & M. Richardson
eds. 1995).
Footnote 4
Not to put too fine a point on it, the Human
Resources Division of the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s
Office, Ceballos’s employer, is telling anyone who will listen that
its work “provides the personal satisfaction and fulfillment that
comes with knowing you are contributing essential services to the
citizens of Los Angeles County.” Career Opportunities,
http://da.co.la.ca.us/hr/default.htm (all Internet materials as
visited May 25, 2006, and available in Clerk of Court’s case
file).
The United States expresses the same interest
in identifying the individual ideals of a citizen with its
employees’ obligations to the Government. See Brief as
Amicus
Curiae 25 (stating that public employees are motivated to
perform their duties “to serve the public”). Right now, for
example, the U. S. Food and Drug Administration is appealing to
physicians, scientists, and statisticians to work in the Center for
Drug Evaluation and Research, with the message that they “can give
back to [their] community, state, and country by making a
difference in the lives of Americans everywhere.” Career
Opportunities at CDER: You Can Make a Difference,
http://www.fda.gov/cder/career/default.htm. Indeed, the Congress of
the United States, by concurrent resolution, has previously
expressly endorsed respect for a citizen’s obligations as the prime
responsibility of Government employees: “Any person in Government
Service should: … [p]ut loyalty to the highest moral principles and
to country above loyalty to persons, party, or Government
department,” and shall “[e]xpose corruption wherever discovered,”
Code of Ethics for Government Service, H. Con. Res. 175, 85th
Cong., 2d Sess., 72 Stat. B12. Display of this Code in Government
buildings was once required by law, 94 Stat. 855; this obligation
has been repealed, Office of Government Ethics Authorization Act of
1996, Pub. L. 104–179, §4, 110 Stat. 1566.
Footnote 5
As I also said, a public employer is entitled
(and obliged) to impose high standards of honesty, accuracy, and
judgment on employees who speak in doing their work. These criteria
are not, however, likely to discourage meritless litigation or
provide a handle for summary judgment. The employee who has spoken
out, for example, is unlikely to blame himself for prior bad
judgment before he sues for retaliation.
Footnote 6
According to the majority’s logic, the
litigation it encourages would have the unfortunate result of
“demand[ing] permanent judicial intervention in the conduct of
governmental operations,”
ante, at 11.
Footnote 7
Even though this Court has recognized that 42
U. S. C. §1983 “does not authorize a suit for every alleged
violation of federal law,”
Livadas v.
Bradshaw,
512 U. S. 107,
132 (1994), the rule is that “§1983 remains a generally and
presumptively available remedy for claimed violations of federal
law,”
id., at 133. Individual enforcement under §1983 is
rendered unavailable for alleged violations of federal law when the
underlying statutory provision is part of a federal statutory
scheme clearly incompatible with individual enforcement under
§1983. See
Rancho Palos Verdes v.
Abrams,
544 U. S. 113,
119–120 (2005).
Footnote 8
Del. Code Ann., Tit. 29, §5115 (2003); Fla.
Stat. §112.3187 (2003); Haw. Rev. Stat. §378–61 (1993); Ky. Rev.
Stat. Ann. §61.101 (West 2005); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 149, §185
(West 2004); Nev. Rev. Stat. §281.611 (2003); N. H. Rev. Stat.
Ann. §275–E:1 (Supp. 2005); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §4113.51 (Lexis
2001); Tenn. Code Ann. §50–1–304 (2006 Cum. Supp.).
Footnote 9
Ala. Code §36–26A–1
et seq. (2001); Colo.
Rev. Stat. §24–50.5–101
et seq. (2004); Iowa Code Ann.
§70A.28
et seq. (1999); Kan. Stat. Ann. §75–2973 (2003
Cum. Supp.); Mo. Rev. Stat. §105.055 (2004 Cum. Supp.); N. C.
Gen. Stat. Ann. §126–84 (Lexis 2003); 2 Okla. Stat., Tit. 74,
§840–2.5
et seq. (West 2005 Supp.); Wash. Rev. Code
§42.40.010 (2000); Wyo. Stat. Ann. §9–11–102 (2003).
Footnote 10
Idaho Code §6–2104(1)(a) (Lexis 2004); Me.
Rev. Stat. Ann., Tit. 26, §833(2) (1988); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch.
149, §185(c)(1) (West 2004); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann.
§275–E:2(II) (1999); N. J. Stat. Ann. §34:19–4 (West 2000);
N. Y. Civ. Serv. Law Ann. §75–b(2)(b) (West 1999); Wyo. Stat.
Ann. §9–11–103(b) (2003).
Footnote 11
Kan. Stat. Ann. §75–2973(d)(2) (Cum. Supp.
2003); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. §61.102(1) (West 2005); Mo. Rev. Stat.
§105.055(2) (2004 Cum. Supp.); 2 Okla. Stat., Tit. 74,
§840–2.5(B)(4) (West 2005 Supp.); Ore. Rev. Stat. §659A.203(1)(c)
(2003).
Footnote 12
See n. 4,
supra.
Footnote 13
This case comes to the Court on the motions
of petitioners for summary judgment, and as such, “[t]he evidence
of [Ceballos] is to be believed, and all justifiable inferences are
to be drawn in his favor.”
Anderson v.
Liberty Lobby,
Inc., 477 U. S.
242, 255 (1986).
Footnote 14
Sunstedt demoted Ceballos to a trial deputy;
his only murder case was reassigned to a junior colleague with no
experience in homicide matters, and no new murder cases were
assigned to him; then-District Attorney Gil Garcetti, relying in
part on Sunstedt’s recommendation, denied Ceballos a promotion;
finally, Sunstedt and Najera transferred him to the Office’s El
Monte Branch, requiring longer commuting. Before transferring
Ceballos, Najera offered him a choice between transferring and
remaining at the Pomona Branch prosecuting misdemeanors instead of
felonies. When Ceballos refused to choose, Najera transferred
him.
Footnote 15
The county petitioners’ position on these
claims is difficult to follow or, at least, puzzling. In their
motion for summary judgment, they denied that any of their actions
was responsive to Ceballos’s criticism of the sheriff’s affidavit.
E.g., App. 159–160, 170–172 (maintaining that Ceballos was
transferred to the El Monte Branch because of the decreased
workload in the Pomona Branch and because he was next in a rotation
to go there to serve as a “filing deputy”);
id., at 160,
172–173 (contending that Ceballos’s murder case was reassigned to a
junior colleague to give that attorney murder trial experience
before he was transferred to the Juvenile Division of the District
Attorney’s Office);
id., at 161–162, 173–174 (arguing that
Ceballos was denied a promotion by Garcetti despite Sunstedt’s
stellar review of Ceballos, when Garcetti was unaware of the matter
in
People v.
Cuskey, the criminal case for which
Ceballos wrote the pertinent disposition memorandum). Their reply
to Ceballos’s opposition to summary judgment,
however,
shows that petitioners argued for a Pickering assessment
(for want of a holding that Ceballos was categorically disentitled
to any First Amendment protection) giving great weight in their
favor to workplace disharmony and distrust caused by Ceballos’s
actions. E.g., App. 477–478.
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