SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
_________________
No. 23–1187
_________________
FOOD AND DRUG ADMINISTRATION, et al.,
PETITIONERS
v. R. J. REYNOLDS VAPOR CO., et al.
on writ of certiorari to the united states
court of appeals for the fifth circuit
[June 20, 2025]
Justice Jackson, with whom Justice Sotomayor
joins, dissenting.
The statute at issue in this case requires
tobacco manufacturers to receive permission from the Food and Drug
Administration (FDA) before new tobacco products may be marketed or
sold. 21 U. S. C. §387j. In deciding who falls within the
zone of interest of that statute, the Court largely ignores this
context. Instead, the Court directs all attention to the language
of the statute’s cause of action—and then essentially nullifies the
zone-of-interest test by reducing it to the near-meaningless
proposition that anyone affected, or even
arguably affected,
by the FDA’s marketing denial can sue.
The actual zone-of-interest inquiry, however,
requires us to examine exactly whom Congress intended to protect
under the relevant statutory provisions. And, here, all the usual
tools of statutory interpretation point in the same direction:
Congress established a detailed scheme for manufacturers to obtain
authorization to market new tobacco products—a scheme within which
retailers have no rights and play no role—and, in the context of
that scheme, Congress provided a cause of action for the protection
of the manufacturers’ statutorily created interests. Because
nothing in this statute suggests that Congress meant to authorize
retailers to sue to challenge the FDA’s denial of a manufacturer’s
marketing application, much less bring that legal challenge in a
venue that is otherwise unavailable, I respectfully dissent.
I
The Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco
Control Act empowers the Secretary of Health and Human Services,
acting through the FDA, to regulate tobacco products. See 21
U. S. C. §§387a, 393(d)(2). The Act expressly applies to
many tobacco products that were popular when the Act was enacted in
2009, such as cigarettes. See §387a(b). But recognizing that
markets evolve, Congress provided that the Act would also apply to
“any other tobacco products” that the FDA “by regulation deems to
be subject to” the Act.
Ibid. Within that covered-product
category, the Tobacco Control Act prohibits manufacturers from
marketing without FDA authorization any “new tobacco product,”
defined as a product not generally available on the market as of
February 15, 2007. §§387j(a)(1), (a)(2)(A). The statute also
prohibits any retailer from selling a “new tobacco product” unless
that product has been authorized by the FDA. See §§387b(6)(A),
331(a).
When a manufacturer seeks FDA authorization to
market a new tobacco product, it must submit an application to the
agency. See
FDA v.
Wages & White Lion Investments,
LLC, 604 U. S. ___, ___ (2025) (slip op., at 5); §387j(b).
That application must include “full reports of all information” the
manufacturer is (or should be) aware of “concerning investigations
which have been made to show the health risks of ” the
product. §387j(b)(1)(A). It must also include a list of the
product’s “components, ingredients, additives, and properties,”
along with a description of the manufacturing methods and
facilities. §§387j(b)(1)(B), (C). And the manufacturer must produce
any “samples of such tobacco product” that the agency “may
reasonably require.” §387j(b)(1)(E).
“There are many reasons why the FDA may deny
marketing authorization to a ‘new tobacco product,’ ” but it
must do so if the manufacturer fails to show “that the
product ‘would be appropriate for the protection of the public
health.’ ”
Id., at ___ (slip op., at 5) (quoting
§387j(c)(2)(A)). Congress has thus placed the burden on the
applicant (the manufacturer) to persuade the FDA that its product
would help—not hurt—public health.
If the agency denies a manufacturer’s
application for failure to make this showing, or if the application
is denied for any other reason, the statute further authorizes
judicial review of that FDA decision. The Act specifically provides
that “any person adversely affected” by the FDA’s denial “may file
a petition for judicial review of such . . . denial with
the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia or
for the circuit in which such person resides or has their principal
place of business.” §387
l(a)(1).
The question before us today is what “any person
adversely affected” by the FDA’s denial means in the context of
this statute.
II
A
“Read literally,” the “broad language” of the
Tobacco Control Act’s judicial-review provision “might suggest that
an action is available to anyone who can satisfy the minimum
requirements of Article III.”
Lexmark Int’l, Inc. v.
Static Control Components, Inc.,
572
U.S. 118, 129 (2014). But, as the majority acknowledges, this
Court has not read this or similar wording for all it is worth when
interpreting causes of action. See
ante, at 4. In the
administrative-law context, we have long recognized that “adversely
affected” is a term of art that can be far more cabined than its
literal meaning suggests. Indeed, we have consistently eschewed
reading the “adversely affected” word formulation to apply to
anyone in the world who might be affected by an agency’s action,
and have instead interpreted this language to refer “only to
plaintiffs whose interests ‘fall within the zone of interests
protected by the law invoked.’ ”
Lexmark, 572
U. S., at 129 (quoting
Allen v.
Wright,
468 U.S.
737, 751 (1984)).
We call this the zone-of-interest test—and it
is, by now, well established. Simply stated, the test “is a guide
for deciding whether . . . a particular plaintiff should
be heard to complain of a particular agency decision.”
Clarke v.
Securities Industry Assn.,
479 U.S.
388, 399 (1987). “The essential inquiry is whether Congress
‘intended for [this particular] class [of plaintiffs] to be relied
upon to challenge agency disregard of the law.’ ”
Ibid.
(quoting
Block v.
Community Nutrition Institute,
467
U.S. 340, 347 (1984); some alterations in original). We have
also explained that, at bottom, “the reviewability question turns
on congressional intent, and all indicators helpful in discerning
that intent must be weighed.”
Clarke, 479 U. S., at
400. In short: “Whether a plaintiff comes within ‘the “zone of
interests” ’ is an issue that requires us to determine, using
traditional tools of statutory interpretation, whether a
legislatively conferred cause of action encompasses a particular
plaintiff ’s claim.”
Lexmark, 572 U. S., at
127.
Our decision in
Lexmark illustrates how
the zone-of- interest test works in practice. The statute at issue
there authorized a suit brought by “ ‘any person who believes
that he or she is likely to be damaged’ by a defendant’s false
advertising.”
Id., at 129 (quoting 15 U. S. C.
§1125(a)(1)). Applying the zone-of-interest test, we held that,
despite the statute’s broad “any person” language, contextual
clues—including the statute’s expressed purpose—demonstrated that
Congress intended to permit suit only by persons who suffered a
particular type of injury (specifically, “an injury to a commercial
interest in reputation or sales”). 572 U. S., at 131–132.
The Administrative Procedure Act (APA) is on the
other side of the spectrum of outcomes when the zone-of-interest
test is applied. We have long recognized that the APA’s
judicial-review provision is particularly capacious. See
ante, at 5. Notably, we have observed that such breadth is
necessary in the context of
that statute in order to
“preserv[e] the flexibility” of the APA’s provisions, which apply
in a range of contexts.
Lexmark, 572 U. S., at 130.
The majority accepts that the zone-of-interest
test is the proper legal framework for assessing the breadth of the
cause of action at issue. See
ante, at 4. It also goes to
great lengths to emphasize that the zone-of-interest test operates
identically across all statutes that permit aggrieved persons to
sue—be it the APA or a more specific provision. See
ante, at
5–7. I wholeheartedly agree. Whatever the underlying statute, our
task is “to determine the meaning of the congressionally enacted
provision creating a cause of action,” which we do by “apply[ing]
traditional principles of statutory interpretation.”
Lexmark, 572 U. S., at 128. Sometimes, as with the APA,
those contextual clues demonstrate a cause of action’s breadth.
Other times, as was the case in
Lexmark, those clues suggest
a narrower scope. In each case, the question is one of Congress’s
intent.
B
To properly discern congressional intent about
the breadth of a particular cause of action, it is crucial to know
where to look. And, unlike the majority’s opinion here, our
precedents do not merely look to the words of the cause-of-action
provision that prompted the need to inquire further about what
Congress intended. Doing so would be, of course, entirely circular.
Instead, because the zone-of- interest test is premised on the idea
that interpreting a seemingly unbounded cause of action requires
exploration into what Congress wanted in the context of that
particular statute, we look to “the particular provision of law
upon which the plaintiff relies” for his legal claim—that is,
“ ‘the statutory provision whose violation forms the legal
basis for his complaint.’ ”
Bennett v.
Spear,
520 U.S.
154, 175–176 (1997) (quoting
Lujan v.
National
Wildlife Federation,
497 U.S.
871, 883 (1990); emphasis deleted)
. Although one would
not know it from reading the majority’s opinion, this is
blackletter law. See,
e.g.,
Clarke, 479 U. S.,
at 396–397;
Air Courier Conference v.
Postal Workers,
498 U.S.
517, 523–524 (1991);
Thompson v.
North American
Stainless, LP,
562 U.S.
170, 178 (2011).
Respondents here allege that the FDA improperly
denied a marketing application filed by R. J. Reynolds Vapor
Co. (RJR Vapor) in violation of 21 U. S. C. §387j(c). So,
it is
that statutory provision, not the cause of action
itself, that is the proper focus of the zone-of-interest
inquiry.
Analyzing that provision (as the majority fails
to do) reveals that §387j(c) is part of a statutory scheme that
establishes an adjudicatory process between a manufacturer and the
FDA—and no one else. Per that process, after the FDA receives a
manufacturer’s marketing application and reviews it, the statute
requires a particular agency response: The FDA “shall” “issue an
order that the new product” either may be, or may not be,
“introduced . . . into interstate commerce.”
§387j(c)(1)(A).
The FDA makes this marketing-approval decision
in accordance with the statute’s directives, by considering the
manufacturer’s marketing application in all of its particulars. See
§§387j(b), (c). I touched on those details above, see
supra,
at 2, but it bears repeating here that, by law, a manufacturer’s
application must contain a “full statement of the components,
ingredients, additives, and properties” of the proposed tobacco
product; a “description of the methods used in, and the facilities
and controls used for, the manufacture, processing, and
. . . packing” of the product; and, in some instances,
samples of the product itself. §387j(b)(1). The manufacturer
gathers all of that information and submits it directly to the FDA.
That is it—the agency does not solicit any information from
interested third parties, such as potential consumers or retailers
who wish to sell the product, and manufacturers are not required to
submit any information to the FDA on their behalf.
Nor do retailers, in particular, have any
procedural rights whatsoever after a manufacturer submits its
marketing application. Indeed, in many circumstances, the FDA is
required to
deny an application without regard to the impact
that doing so might have on retailers. For example, the FDA must
deny an application if the manufacturer’s production, processing,
or packing facilities fail to conform to regulatory standards. See
§387j(c)(2)(B). The FDA must also deny an application if the
manufacturer fails to show “that permitting such tobacco product to
be marketed would be appropriate for the protection of the public
health.” §387j(c)(2)(A).
This all means that, under the
premarketing-approval scheme that Congress has crafted, the
interests of tobacco retailers are entirely beside the point—they
do not factor in at all. It is the manufacturers that have to make
the requisite showings, and if they do a poor job, the retailers
are simply out of luck. There is no mechanism by which
any
interested third party (including a retailer excited by the
prospect of being able to sell the relevant product) can supplement
a manufacturer’s marketing application. There are also no
third-party notice requirements, and Congress has emphasized the
importance of confidentiality, so third-party retailers may not
even
know that an application for the marketing of a
particular new tobacco product has been submitted to the FDA at
all, let alone that one was denied. See §387j(e)(2) (requiring the
FDA to serve denial notices on applicants, but not retailers); see
also §387f(c) (providing that the agency may not disclose
confidential information to nonapplicants); 86 Fed. Reg. 55398
(2021) (recognizing that “the intent to market a tobacco product
that is not currently marketed is often considered confidential
commercial information”).[
1]
Thus, the text of the statutory provisions that
create the premarketing-approval scheme Congress adopted does not
support the conclusion that Congress promulgated this statute with
retailers’ interests in mind.
C
Nor does the purpose of the Tobacco Control
Act’s premarketing-approval or judicial-review provisions. Instead,
the statute’s judicial-review mechanism operates to ensure that
those most invested in a new product’s authorization can enlist a
court to double check the FDA’s work. Manufacturers plainly fall
within that category: At the time a manufacturer applies for
authorization to market a new tobacco product, it has already
expended considerable time, money, and effort to develop that
product.
But retailers are differently situated. As a
general matter, when a manufacturer applies for authorization to
market a new product, retailers are mere bystanders—they do not yet
have any skin in the game. Cf. §§331(c), 387b(6)(A) (clarifying
that a new tobacco product may not be sold before the FDA approves
it). A retailer may
desire to sell an upcoming
(not-yet-approved) product—it may even expect to profit handsomely,
if the manufacturer’s application were to be approved and the
product deemed marketable. But that kind of forward-looking
interest is different in kind from the manufacturer’s
backward-looking one. If the FDA denies a manufacturer’s marketing
application, a retailer might well be disappointed, but it will not
lose an investment; it can stock its shelves with something else.
Thus, Congress could have rationally intended to protect
manufacturers’ reliance interests by affording them a layer of
judicial review if the FDA denies a marketing application, while
feeling no need to extend similar protection to retailers.
The intuition that Congress reasonably intended
to draw a distinction between the interests of manufacturers and
retailers—and protected only the former in the instant context—is
confirmed by a provision of §387j that enables the FDA to withdraw
its prior approval of a tobacco product in certain situations. See
§387j(d). That provision states that the agency’s decision to
withdraw its approval of a tobacco product may be challenged in
court by
only the “holder of [the] application subject to”
the withdrawal order—in other words, the manufacturer alone.
§387j(d)(2). To me, this is the single most significant piece of
textual evidence bearing on Congress’s intent regarding the
protection of retailers.
Under the majority’s view, even though a
retailer
cannot challenge the FDA’s decision to withdraw its
prior approval per §387j(d), it
can file a lawsuit to
challenge the FDA’s denial of a manufacturer’s application in the
first instance due to the “any person adversely affected” language
of the cause of action. But as I see it, the fact that a retailer
cannot challenge a withdrawal order makes it much more likely that
Congress did not intend to permit it to challenge the agency’s
initial denial of an application either—a consistent and reasonable
result since, as I have explained, retailers generally lack any
financial stake or reliance interests in the application’s
approval.
Indeed, in my view, the provision prohibiting
retailers from challenging the withdrawal of an approved
application puts the nail in the proverbial coffin of the
contention that retailers’ interests are being protected by this
statute. When the FDA withdraws its marketing approval, retailers
may well have already invested considerably in the new tobacco
product—
e.g., by purchasing inventory, setting up store
displays, or attracting new customers. But Congress did not seem to
care; the statute states plainly that only manufacturers can file
suit to challenge such withdrawal.
Why would Congress have
wanted retailers to be able to seek judicial review of the agency’s
initial denial (at which point they generally lack reliance
interests), but not when the agency withdraws its approval (at
which point they generally
will have such interests)?
The majority offers no explanation, stating only
that this differential treatment was Congress’s “choice.”
Ante, at 10. But “[t]he illogic of the majority’s
interpretation strongly signals that what the majority believes
Congress ‘chose’ is not actually what Congress intended or
accomplished.”
Advocate Christ Medical Center v.
Kennedy, 605 U. S. ___, ___ (2025) (Jackson, J.,
dissenting) (slip op., at 10). The more logical inference by far is
that Congress excluded retailers from protecting their interests in
the withdrawal context precisely because retailers are not within
the zone of interest of this statutory scheme.
III
A
Ignoring our past edicts regarding how the
zone-of- interest test works, the majority spends very little time
evaluating the substantive provisions of the Tobacco Control Act’s
marketing scheme. Instead, it zeroes in on the language of the
provision supplying the cause of action: §387
l(a)(1). In its
view, retailers fit within that provision’s scope because, by
permitting suit by “ ‘
any person adversely
affected,’ ” the statute’s text “suggests an intent to cover
more than one party.”
Ante, at 9. But as I have already
noted, fixating on the broad text of a judicial-review provision
substantially similar to the ones that prompted us to birth the
zone-of-interest test gets us nowhere—at least, nowhere remotely
resembling the traditional inquiry and what it was designed to do.
This observation is fundamental; as our foundational
zone-of-interest precedents recognized, a literal reading of
capacious cause-of-action language renders the provision far
broader than it is typically reasonable to conclude Congress
intended. Cf.
Thompson, 562 U. S., at 176–177
(observing that “absurd consequences” about who was entitled to sue
would follow if the Court were to interpret literally a similarly
worded cause of action).
In any event, even pure textualists would have
to acknowledge that §387
l(a)(1)’s seemingly infinite
terminology can be adequately explained by a linguistic quirk that
has little to do with Congress’s “choice” to allow any arguably
affected person to sue. Carefully examined, the text of this
provision permits suit by “any person adversely affected by”
either “the promulgation of a regulation”
or the
“denial of an application.” §387
l(a)(1). One way to use a
single subject to describe two different types of plaintiffs (those
who may seek to challenge an FDA regulation
and also those
who may seek to challenge the FDA’s denial of a manufacturer’s
application) is to use a generic term, such as “any person.” By
design, that generic phrasing relates to “more than one party” and
does not explain or suggest who is included in either category.
Ante, at 9. So, ultimately, the “any person” phrasing the
majority puts so much stock in might just be a product of
Congress’s desire to use a single statutory provision to cover both
situations.
Another noteworthy problem with the majority’s
interpretation is that it draws almost exclusively from what this
Court has said about the breadth of the cause of action in an
entirely different statute (the APA). It is certainly true that, in
the APA context, the zone-of-interest test is “not especially
demanding.”
Ante, at 5 (internal quotation marks omitted).
But, again, we have explained that Congress intended this language
to be broadly interpreted as it appears in the APA precisely
because of the breadth of the APA itself. See
supra, at 5.
By contrast, as I have shown, the Tobacco Control Act’s
premarketing-approval scheme is narrow: It involves an exchange
between tobacco manufacturers and the FDA that occurs when said
manufacturers wish to market a new tobacco product. Third parties
are entirely excluded from that back-and-forth. And, notably, that
is so even when circumstances develop that do, in fact, implicate
third-party interests (such as when a retailer has already begun
marketing the product). There really is no material similarity
between the premarketing-approval scheme Congress has constructed
in the Tobacco Control Act, on the one hand, and the various
interests that the APA protects, on the other. Consequently, the
zones of interest those two statutes create are completely
different, making it difficult to understand why the majority finds
the APA parallel so persuasive.
B
The majority’s take on the scope of
§387
l(a)(1)’s cause of action also fails to fully appreciate
the reasoning of our zone-of-interest precedents. The
zone-of-interest analysis here is substantially similar to that of
Block,
467 U.S.
340. There, the Court held that the Agricultural Marketing
Agreement Act of 1937 permitted only milk handlers and
producers—not consumers—to seek judicial review of the Secretary of
Agriculture’s milk pricing orders, even though the orders affected
(indeed, harmed) consumers by increasing the price of milk.
Consumers were not in the zone of interest (and thus were not
“adversely affected” persons under the relevant cause of action,
id., at 345), the Court reasoned, because of the structure
of the underlying administrative scheme. Milk market orders were
promulgated via a “cooperative venture” between the agency, milk
handlers, and milk producers; “[n]owhere in the Act” was there any
“provision for participation by consumers.”
Id., at 346–347.
The Court recognized that “[i]n a complex scheme of this type, the
omission of such a provision is sufficient reason to believe that
Congress intended to foreclose consumer participation in the
regulatory process.”
Ibid.
In the same way that the Agricultural Marketing
Agreement Act contemplated collaboration between the agency, milk
handlers, and milk producers—but not consumers—the Tobacco Control
Act’s premarket-authorization program contemplates collaboration
between the agency and manufacturers—but not retailers. Therefore,
here, just as in
Block, the absence of any mechanism for
retailers to participate in that collaborative
premarketing-approval process on the front end is a strong signal
that Congress did not intend to protect any interests retailers may
have on the back end, if premarketing approval is denied.
Moreover, as with the would-be
plaintiff-consumers in
Block, “preclusion of [retailer]
suits will not threaten realization of the fundamental objectives
of the statute.”
Id., at 352. After all, a retailer’s
interest generally will be aligned with a manufacturer’s—both want
the FDA to approve the application. Manufacturers, then, can “be
expected to challenge unlawful agency action and to ensure that the
statute’s objectives will not be frustrated.”
Ibid.; cf.
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Comm. v.
McGrath,
341 U.S.
123, 153 (1951) (Frankfurter, J., concurring) (recognizing that
the likelihood that a person would be “adequately protected” by the
party who is able to challenge the underlying Government action is
a “relevant consideration” when determining the scope of judicial
review).
The majority dismisses
Block in a
footnote, arguing that it is “readily distinguishable” because the
statute provided that certain industry participants could seek
judicial review only “after first exhausting administrative
remedies.”
Ante, at 11–12, n. 8. But
Block is
not an exhaustion case. Rather, the Court held that consumers’
inability to participate in the administrative process was in and
of itself a “sufficient reason” to believe that Congress intended
to exclude consumers from using the statutory cause of action to
seek judicial review of the relevant agency action. 467 U. S.,
at 347.[
2]
Applying the plainly analogous reasoning of
Block to the question presented in this case gets us to the
most straightforward answer: Like the consumers in
Block,
the retailers here are beyond the zone of interest and thus cannot
invoke the cause of action. But instead of just applying
Block, the majority opts to rely on a number of cases
interpreting causes of action that are far less similar to the
statute at issue here.
Ante, at 4–8.
Those cases are really of no help because, in
each of them, the plaintiff was expressly protected by the statute
at issue, and thus fit well within the zone of interest. In
Thompson, for example, we had no trouble concluding that an
employee injured by his employer’s unlawful retaliation fell within
the zone of interests of a statute whose purpose was “to protect
employees from their employers’ unlawful actions.” 562 U. S.,
at 178. And in
Bank of America Corp. v.
Miami, 581
U.S. 189 (2017), the statute had specifically defined
“ ‘aggrieved person’ ” to include “ ‘any person who
. . . claims to have been injured by a discriminatory
housing practice,’ ” when the plaintiff there had made that
claim.
Id., at 193.
The majority makes much of the Court’s
statements in those cases that the statutes at issue permitted suit
by anyone whose interests were at least
“ ‘ “
arguably . . . protected by the
statute.” ’ ”
Ante, at 7 (quoting
Thompson,
562 U. S., at 178; emphasis added). But the retailers here
cannot even satisfy
that formulation of the standard. The
majority explains how retailers may be
affected by §387j but
never articulates how retailers are
protected by this
statute—not arguably, and certainly not actually. See
ante,
at 8, and n. 7, 9. That’s because they can’t. No matter how
long you stare at §387j, you will not find anything looking out for
retailers. They are simply not protected by the provision at
all.
IV
Finally, when evaluating Congress’s intent
regarding the scope of the cause of action it established in
§387
l(a)(1), we should keep in mind, too, that this
provision does not merely authorize judicial review of agency
determinations at the behest of “any person adversely affected.”
Congress also specifically prescribed
where that review must
be sought. Again, the text states that “any person adversely
affected” by the FDA’s denial “may file a petition for judicial
review of such . . . denial with the United States Court
of Appeals for the District of Columbia or for the circuit in which
such person resides or has their principal place of business.”
§387
l(a)(1).
No one disputes that RJR Vapor itself qualifies
as a “person adversely affected” by the FDA’s denial of its
marketing application. Therefore, it is not as though RJR Vapor had
no options—it most certainly could have brought a lawsuit
challenging the FDA’s denial in the D.C. Circuit or in the Fourth
Circuit, where it has its principal place of business.[
3] So, stepping back, one wonders: Why
does it even matter whether the tobacco retailers RJR Vapor has
chosen to pair up with have the ability to sue?
The above-quoted statutory text provides the
answer. As it turns out, at the time RJR Vapor filed its
application, the D. C. Circuit and the Fourth Circuit had each
already rejected on the merits similar challenges that other
flavored e-cigarette manufacturers had filed. See
Avail Vapor,
LLC v.
FDA, 55 F. 4th 409, 413, 422 (CA4 2022);
Prohibition Juice Co. v.
FDA, 45 F. 4th 8, 12,
20–21 (CADC 2022). It thus became (perhaps) imperative from RJR
Vapor’s perspective that its own lawsuit challenging the FDA’s
denial of its flavored e-cigarette marketing applications be filed
somewhere else. To accomplish
that objective—
i.e., to
facilitate RJR Vapor’s end run around §387
l(a)(1)’s venue
restrictions—RJR Vapor needed another party to bring its legal
challenge to court.
It is not hard to see where this is going. RJR
Vapor teamed up with a Texas-based retailer that sold the relevant
e-cigarettes—respondent Avail Vapor Texas, LLC—and, together, they
filed a joint petition in the Fifth Circuit, challenging the FDA’s
denial of RJR Vapor’s application.[
4] The possibility that the courts would allow venue to be
established based on Avail Vapor’s presence on the petition gave
RJR Vapor hope that its substantive legal challenge would move
forward in a more applicant-friendly venue.[
5]
From RJR Vapor’s strategic litigating
standpoint, neither Congress’s intent concerning the scope of the
cause of action, nor the fact that retailers were not front of mind
for Congress when it crafted the premarketing-approval provisions
of the Tobacco Control Act (see Part II,
supra) mattered
much. Regardless, it was critical for the retailers to participate
as plaintiffs if RJR Vapor was going to successfully skirt
§387
l(a)(1)’s venue restrictions and steer this case to the
preferred—but unauthorized—forum.
This is, of course, precisely the kind of
manipulation that the pesky zone-of-interest test operates to
prevent, insofar as it requires §387
l(a)(1) to be
interpreted consistent with what Congress cared about when it
crafted that statute (including, presumably, its venue-related
policies), rather than with undue adherence to whatever might be
necessary to advance a party’s litigating interests. And,
ultimately, for present purposes, the distinction between what
Congress wanted when it enacted §387
l(a)(1) and what some
tobacco manufacturers want to do now is particularly acute.
As we consider who can sue under
§387
l(a)(1), it is important to acknowledge that the statute
Congress enacted also articulates a clear venue mandate: Thwarted
tobacco manufacturers have a cause of action to challenge the FDA’s
denial of their marketing applications in court, but they must
litigate their interests in the designated venues and, presumably,
not elsewhere—including through proxy suits that third parties file
in other places on their behalf.
* * *
The majority correctly acknowledges that the
disputed “any person adversely affected” language in
§387
l(a)(1) of the Tobacco Control Act implicates our
well-established zone-of-interest test. All agree, too, that, under
the zone-of-interest test, the watchword is congressional intent.
But I would proceed to determine Congress’s intent as normal, by
applying the traditional tools of statutory interpretation to
investigate the scope of §387j(c)—the provision that respondents
argue the FDA violated. Every available indicator reveals that
Congress intended to permit manufacturers—not retailers—to
challenge the denial of a manufacturers’ marketing application (and
to do so only in the designated courts). In concluding otherwise,
the majority not only opens up an avenue for judicial review that
Congress did not intend, it also allows manufacturers like RJR
Vapor to evade the statute’s venue requirements.
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