BREYER, J., DISSENTING
FCC V. FOX TELEVISION STATIONS, INC.
556 U. S. ____ (2009)
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
NO. 07-582
FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION, et al.,
PETITIONERS
v. FOX TELEVISION STATIONS, INC.,
et al.
on writ of certiorari to the united states court of
appeals for the second circuit
[April 28, 2009]
Justice Breyer, with whom Justice
Stevens, Justice Souter, and Justice Ginsburg join, dissenting.
In my view, the Federal
Communications Commission failed adequately to explain
why
it
changed its indecency policy from a policy permitting a
single “fleeting use” of an expletive, to a policy that made no
such exception. Its explanation fails to discuss two critical
factors, at least one of which directly underlay its original
policy decision. Its explanation instead discussed several factors
well known to it the first time around, which by themselves provide
no significant justification for a
change of policy.
Consequently, the FCC decision is “arbitrary, capricious, an abuse
of discretion.” 5 U. S. C. §706(2)(A);
Motor Vehicle Mfrs.
Assn. of United States, Inc. v.
State Farm Mut. Automobile
Ins. Co.,
463 U.
S. 29, 41–43 (1983);
Citizens to Preserve Overton Park,
Inc. v.
Volpe, 401 U. S. 402, 420–421
(1971)
. And I would affirm the Second Circuit’s similar
determination.
I
I begin with applicable law. That
law grants those in charge of independent administrative agencies
broad authority to determine relevant policy. But it does not
permit them to make policy choices for purely political reasons nor
to rest them primarily upon unexplained policy preferences. Federal
Communications Commissioners have fixed terms of office; they are
not directly responsible to the voters; and they enjoy an
independence expressly designed to insulate them, to a degree, from
“ ‘the exercise of political oversight.’ ”
Freytag v.
Commissioner,
501 U. S. 868, 916
(1991) (Scalia, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment);
see also
Morrison v.
Olson,
487 U. S. 654, 691, n.
30 (1988). That insulation helps to secure important governmental
objectives, such as the constitutionally related objective of
maintaining broadcast regulation that does not bend too readily
before the political winds. But that agency’s comparative freedom
from ballot-box control makes it all the more important that courts
review its decisionmaking to assure compliance with applicable
provisions of the law—including law requiring that major policy
decisions be based upon articulable reasons.
The statutory provision
applicable here is the Administrative Procedure Act’s (APA)
prohibition of agency action that is “arbitrary, capricious, [or]
an abuse of discretion,” 5 U. S. C. §706(2)(A). This legal
requirement helps assure agency decisionmaking based upon more than
the personal preferences of the decisionmakers. Courts have applied
the provision sparingly, granting agencies broad policymaking
leeway. But they have also made clear that agency discretion is not
“ ‘unbounded.’ ”
Burlington Truck Lines, Inc. v.
United States,
371 U. S. 156, 167–168
(1962). In so holding, American courts have followed a venerable
legal tradition, stretching back at least to the days of Sir Edward
Coke and the draining of the English fens. See
Rooke’s
Case, 77 Eng. Rep. 209, 210, 5 Coke Rep. 99b, 100a (C. P.
1598) (Coke, J.) (members of sewer commission with authority to act
according “to their discretio[n]” are nonetheless “limited and
bound with the rule of reason and law … and [cannot act] according
to their wills and private affections” (quoted in Jaffe, Judicial
Review: Constitutional and Jurisdictional Fact, 70 Harv.
L. Rev. 953, 954 (1957))).
The law has also recognized that it is not so
much a particular set of substantive commands but rather it is a
process, a process of learning through reasoned argument,
that is the antithesis of the “arbitrary.” This means agencies must
follow a “logical and rational” decisionmaking “process.”
Allentown Mack Sales & Service, Inc. v.
NLRB,
522 U. S. 359,
374 (1998). An agency’s policy decisions must reflect the reasoned
exercise of expert judgment. See
Burlington Truck Lines,
supra, at 167 (decision must reflect basis on which agency
“exercised its expert discretion”); see also
Humphrey’s
Executor v.
United States,
295 U. S. 602, 624
(1935) (independent agencies “exercise … trained judgment …
‘informed by experience’ ”). And, as this Court has specified,
in determining whether an agency’s policy choice was “arbitrary,” a
reviewing court “must consider whether the decision was based on a
consideration of the relevant factors and whether there has been a
clear error of judgment.”
Overton Park, supra, at 416.
Moreover, an agency must act consistently. The
agency must follow its own rules.
Arizona Grocery Co. v.
Atchison, T. & S. F. R. Co.,
284 U. S. 370,
389–390 (1932). And when an agency seeks to change those rules, it
must focus on the fact of change and explain the basis for that
change. See,
e.g., National Cable &
Telecommunications Assn. v.
Brand X Internet
Services,
545
U. S. 967, 981 (2005) (“
Unexplained inconsistency is”
a “reason for holding an interpretation to be an arbitrary and
capricious change from agency practice” (emphasis added)).
To explain a change requires more than setting
forth reasons why the new policy is a good one. It also requires
the agency to answer the question, “Why did you change?” And a
rational answer to this question typically requires a more complete
explanation than would prove satisfactory were change itself not at
issue. An (imaginary) administrator explaining why he chose a
policy that requires driving on the right-side, rather than the
left-side, of the road might say, “Well, one side seemed as good as
the other, so I flipped a coin.” But even assuming the rationality
of that explanation for an
initial choice, that
explanation is not at all rational if offered to explain why the
administrator
changed driving practice, from right-side to
left-side, 25 years later.
In
State Farm, a unanimous Court
applied these commonsense requirements to an agency decision that
rescinded an earlier agency policy. The Court wrote that an agency
must provide an explanation for the agency’s
“revocation”
of a prior action that is more thorough than the explanation
necessary when it does not act in the first instance. The Court
defined “revocation,” not simply as
rescinding an earlier
policy, cf.
ante, at 10–11, but as “a
reversal
of the agency’s former views as to the proper course.”
State Farm, 463 U. S., at 41 (emphasis added). See also
Verizon Communications Inc. v.
FCC,
535 U. S. 467, 502, n.
20 (2002) (portion of Court’s opinion joined by Scalia, Kennedy,
and Thomas, JJ.) (noting
State Farm “may be read as
prescribing more searching judicial review” when “an agency [is]
‘changing its course’ as to the interpretation of a statute”);
Thomas Jefferson Univ. v.
Shalala,
512 U. S. 504, 524, n. 3
(1994) (Thomas, J., dissenting) (similar).
At the same time, the Court described the need
for explanation in terms that apply, not simply to pure
rescissions of earlier rules, but rather to changes of
policy as it more broadly defined them. But see
ante, at
10–11. It said that the law required an explanation for such a
change because the earlier policy, representing a
“ ‘settled course of behavior[,] embodies the agency’s
informed judgment that, by pursuing that course, it will carry out
the policies … best if the settled rule is adhered to.’ ”
State Farm, supra, at 41–42. Thus, the agency must explain
why it has come to the conclusion that it should now
change direction. Why does it now reject the considerations that
led it to adopt that initial policy? What has changed in the world
that offers justification for the change? What other good reasons
are there for departing from the earlier policy?
Contrary to the majority’s characterization of
this dissent, it would not (and
State Farm does not)
require a “
heightened standard” of review.
Ante,
at 10 (emphasis added). Rather, the law requires application of the
same standard of review to different circumstances, namely
circumstances characterized by the fact that
change is at
issue. It requires the agency to focus upon the fact of change
where change is relevant, just as it must focus upon any other
relevant circumstance. It requires the agency here to focus upon
the reasons that led the agency to adopt the initial policy, and to
explain why it now comes to a new judgment.
I recognize that
sometimes the
ultimate explanation for a change may have to be, “We now weigh the
relevant considerations differently.” But at other times, an agency
can and should say more. Where, for example, the agency rested its
previous policy on particular factual findings, see
ante,
at 3–5 (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and concurring in
judgment); or where an agency rested its prior policy on its view
of the governing law, see
infra, at 7–11; or where an
agency rested its previous policy on, say, a special need to
coordinate with another agency, one would normally expect the
agency to focus upon those earlier views of fact, of law, or of
policy and explain why they are no longer controlling. Regardless,
to say that the agency here must answer the question “why change”
is not to require the agency to provide a justification that is
“
better than the reasons for the old [policy].”
Ante, at 11. It is only to recognize the obvious fact that
change is sometimes (not always) a relevant background
feature that sometimes (not always) requires focus (upon prior
justifications) and explanation lest the adoption of the new policy
(in that circumstance) be “arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of
discretion.”
That is certainly how courts of appeals, the
courts that review agency decisions, have always treated the matter
in practice. See,
e.g.,
Pennsylvania Federation of
Sportsmen’s Clubs, Inc. v.
Kempthorne, 497 F. 3d
337, 351 (CA3 2007);
Yale-New Haven Hosp. v.
Leavitt, 470 F. 3d 71, 79 (CA2 2006);
Citizens
Awareness Network, Inc. v.
United States, 391 F. 3d
338, 352 (CA1 2004). But see
NAACP v.
FCC, 682 F.
2d 993, 998 (CADC 1982) (using word “heightened”). The majority’s
holding could in this respect significantly change judicial review
in practice, and not in a healthy direction. But see,
ante, at 1–5 (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and
concurring in judgment). After all, if it is
always
legally sufficient for the agency to reply to the question “why
change?” with the answer “we prefer the new policy” (even when the
agency
has not considered the major factors that led it to
adopt its old policy), then why bother asking the agency to focus
on the fact of change? More to the point,
why would the
law exempt this and no other aspect of an agency decision from
“arbitrary, capricious” review? Where does, and why would, the APA
grant agencies the freedom to change major policies on the basis of
nothing more than political considerations or even personal
whim?
Avoiding the application of any
heightened standard of review, the Court in
State
Farm recognized that the APA’s “nonarbitrary” requirement
affords agencies generous leeway when they set policy. 463 U. S.,
at 42. But it also recognized that this leeway is not absolute. The
Court described its boundaries by then listing considerations that
help determine whether an explanation is adequate. Mirroring and
elaborating upon its statement in
Overton Park, 401 U. S. 402, the Court said
that a reviewing court should take into account whether the agency
had “relied on factors which Congress has not intended it to
consider, entirely failed to consider an important aspect of the
problem, offered an explanation for its decision that runs counter
to the evidence before the agency, or is so implausible that it
could not be ascribed to a difference in view or the product of
agency expertise.”
State Farm, supra, at 43; see also
Overton Park, supra, at 416.
II
We here must apply the general
standards set forth in
State Farm and
Overton
Park to an agency decision that changes a 25-year-old
“fleeting expletive” policy from (1) the old policy that would
normally permit broadcasters to transmit a single, fleeting use of
an expletive to (2) a new policy that would threaten broadcasters
with large fines for transmitting even a single use (including its
use by a member of the public) of such an expletive, alone with
nothing more. The question is whether that decision satisfies the
minimal standards necessary to assure a reviewing court that such a
change of policy is not “arbitrary, capricious, [or] an abuse of
discretion,” 5 U. S. C. §706(2)(A), particularly as set forth
in,
e.g.,
State Farm and
Overton Park,
supra, at 2–7
. The decision, in my view, does not
satisfy those standards.
Consider the requirement that an
agency at least minimally “consider … important aspect[s] of the
problem.”
State Farm, supra, at 43. The FCC failed to
satisfy this requirement, for it failed to consider two critically
important aspects of the problem that underlay its initial policy
judgment (one of which directly, the other of which indirectly).
First, the FCC said next to nothing about the relation between the
change it made in its prior “fleeting expletive” policy and the
First-Amendment-related need to avoid “censorship,” a matter as
closely related to broadcasting regulation as is health to that of
the environment. The reason that discussion of the matter is
particularly important here is that the FCC had
explicitly
rested its prior policy in large part upon the need to avoid
treading too close to the constitutional line.
Thirty years ago, the Court considered the
location of that constitutional line. In
FCC v.
Pacifica Foundation,
438 U. S. 726 (1978),
the Court reviewed an FCC decision forbidding the broadcast of a
monologue that deliberately and repeatedly uttered the expletives
here at issue more than 100 times in one hour at a time of day when
children were likely to hear the broadcast.
Id., at 739.
The Court held that the FCC’s prohibition did not violate the First
Amendment. But the Court divided 5 to 4. And two Members of the
majority, Justices Powell and Blackmun, explicitly noted that the
Court “does not speak to cases involving
the isolated use
of a potentially offensive word … as distinguished from the verbal
shock treatment administered by respondent here.”
Id., at
760–761 (Powell, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment)
(emphasis added). This statement by two Members of the majority
suggested that they could reach a different result, finding an FCC
prohibition unconstitutional, were that prohibition aimed at the
fleeting or single use of an expletive.
The FCC subsequently made clear that it
thought that Justice Powell’s concurrence set forth a
constitutional line that its indecency policy should embody. In
1978, the Commission wrote that the First Amendment “severely
limit[s]” the Commission’s role in regulating indecency. It added
that the Court, in
Pacifica, had “relied … on the
repetitive occurrence of the ‘indecent’ words in question.” And it
said that, in setting policy, it “intend[ed] strictly to observe
the narrowness of the
Pacifica holding.”
In re
Application of WGBH Educ. Foundation, 69 F. C. C. 2d
1250, 1254, ¶10.
In 1983, the Commission again wrote that it
understood the Court’s decision in
Pacifica to rest on the
“repetitive occurrence of the ‘indecent’ words in question.” And,
again, the Commission explained that its regulation of fleeting or
isolated offensive words would reflect Justice Powell’s
understanding of the First Amendment’s scope.
In re Application
of Pacifica Foundation, 95 F. C. C. 2d 750, 760,
¶¶17–18. In 1987, the Commission once more
explained that its “fleeting expletives” policy reflected the
Court’s decision in
Pacifica. It said that, under its
policy, “speech that is indecent
must involve more than an
isolated use of an offensive word,” adding that “we believe that
under the legal standards set forth in
Pacifica,
deliberate and repetitive use in a patently offensive manner is a
requisite to a finding of indecency.”
In re Pacifica
Foundation, 2 FCC Rcd. 2698, 2699, ¶13 (emphasis added). In
another order that same year, the Commission stated that “the First
Amendment dicate[s] a careful and restrained approach with regard
to review of matters involving broadcast programming”; it then
explained, citing
Pacifica, that “[s]peech that is
indecent
must involve more than the isolated use of an
offensive word.”
In re Infinity Broadcasting, 2 FCC Rcd.
2705, 2705, ¶¶6–7 (1987) (emphasis added). And in 2001, in giving
the industry guidance, the FCC once again said in respect to its
regulation of indecent speech that it “must both identify a
compelling interest for any regulation … and choose the least
restrictive means to further that interest.”
In re
Industry Guidance On Commission’s Case Law Interpreting 18 U.
S. C. §1464 and Enforcement Policies Regarding Broadcast
Indecency, 16 FCC Rcd. 7999, 8000–8001, ¶3–5.
The FCC thus repeatedly made clear that it
based its “fleeting expletive” policy upon the need to avoid
treading too close to the constitutional line as set forth in
Justice Powell’s
Pacifica concurrence. What then did it
say, when it changed its policy, about
why it abandoned
this Constitution-based reasoning? The FCC devoted “four full pages
of small-type, single-spaced text,”
ante, at 23,
responding to industry arguments that,
e.g., changes in
the nature of the broadcast industry made
all indecency
regulation,
i.e., 18 U. S. C. §1464,
unconstitutional. In doing so it repeatedly
reaffirmed its
view that
Pacifica remains good law.
In re
Complaints Regarding Various Television Broadcasts Between February
2, 2002, and March, 8, 2008, 21 FCC Rcd. 13299, 13317–13321,
¶¶42–52 (2006)
(Remand Order). All the more surprising
then that, in respect to
why it abandoned its prior view
about the critical relation between its prior fleeting expletive
policy and Justice Powell’s
Pacifica concurrence, it says
no more than the following:
“[O]ur decision is not inconsistent with the
Supreme Court ruling in
Pacifica. The Court explicitly
left open the issue of whether an occasional expletive could be
considered indecent.”
In re Complaints Against Various
Broadcast Licensees Regarding Their Airing of the “Golden Globe
Awards” Program, 19 FCC Rcd. 4975, 4982, ¶16 (2004)
(Golden Globe Order). And, (repeating what it already had
said), “
[Pacifica] specifically reserved the question of
‘an occasional expletive’ and noted that it addressed only the
‘particular broadcast’ at issue in that case.”
Remand
Order,
supra, at 13308–13309, ¶24.
These two sentences are not a summary of the
FCC’s discussion about why it abandoned its prior understanding of
Pacifica. They
are the discussion. These 28 words
(repeated in two opinions) do not acknowledge that an entirely
different understanding of
Pacifica underlay the FCC’s
earlier policy; they do not explain why the agency changed its mind
about the line that
Pacifica draws or its policy’s
relation to that line; and they tell us nothing at all about what
happened to the FCC’s earlier determination to search for
“compelling interests” and “less restrictive alternatives.” They do
not explain the transformation of what the FCC had long thought an
insurmountable obstacle into an open door. The result is not simply
Hamlet without the prince, but
Hamlet with a
prince who, in mid-play and without explanation, just
disappears.
I have found one other related reference to
Pacifica, but that reference occurs in an opinion written
by a
dissenting Commissioner. That dissenter said that the
FCC had “ ‘fail[ed] to address the many serious
[constitutional] concerns raised’ ” by the new policy, while
adding that the new policy was “not the restrained enforcement
policy encouraged by the Supreme Court in
Pacifica.”
Remand Order, supra, at 13331, 13334. Neither that
Commissioner in his dissent, nor I in this dissent, claim that
agencies must always take account of possible constitutional issues
when they formulate policy. Cf.
ante, at 12. But the FCC
works in the shadow of the First Amendment and its view of the
application of that Amendment to “fleeting expletives” directly
informed its initial policy choice. Under these circumstances, the
FCC’s failure to address this “aspect” of the problem calls for a
remand to the agency.
Overton Park, 401 U. S.
, at
420–421.
Second, the FCC failed to consider the
potential impact of its new policy upon local broadcasting
coverage. This “aspect of the problem” is particularly important
because the FCC explicitly took account of potential broadcasting
impact.
Golden Globe Order, supra, at 4980, ¶11 (“The ease
with which broadcasters today can block even fleeting words in a
live broadcast is an element in our decision”). Indeed, in setting
forth “bleeping” technology changes (presumably lowering bleeping
costs) as justifying the policy change, it implicitly reasoned that
lower costs, making it easier for broadcasters to install bleeping
equipment, made it less likely that the new policy would lead
broadcasters to reduce coverage, say by canceling coverage of
public events.
Ibid. (“[T]echnological advances have made
it possible … to prevent the broadcast of a single offending word
or action without blocking or disproportionately disrupting the
message of the speaker or performer”).
What then did the FCC say about the likelihood
that smaller independent broadcasters, including many public
service broadcasters, still would not be able to afford “bleeping”
technology and, as a consequence, would reduce local coverage,
indeed cancel coverage, of many public events? It said nothing at
all.
The FCC cannot claim that local coverage lacks
special importance. To the contrary, “the concept of localism has
been a cornerstone of broadcast regulation for decades.”
In re
Broadcast Localism, 23 FCC Rcd. 1324, 1326, 1327, ¶¶3, 5
(2008). That policy seeks to provide “viewers and listeners …
access to locally responsive programming including, but not limited
to, local news and public affairs matter” and to ensure “diversity
in what is seen and heard over the airwaves.” That policy has long
favored local broadcasting, both as a means to increase coverage of
local events and, insofar as it increases the number of broadcast
voices, as an end in itself. See,
e.g.,
In re
Reexamination of Comparative Standards for Noncommercial Educ.
Applicants, 15 FCC Rcd. 7386, 7399, ¶29 (2000) (adopting a
system for selecting applicants for broadcast channels that “would
foster our goal of broadcast diversity by enabling the local public
to be served by differing … licensees”);
In re 2002 Biennial
Regulatory Review, 18 FCC Rcd. 13620, 13644, ¶¶77, 79 (2003)
(“We remain firmly committed to the policy of promoting localism
among broadcast outlets. … A … measure of localism is the quantity
and quality of local news and public affairs programming”).
Neither can the FCC now claim that the impact
of its new policy on local broadcasting is insignificant and
obviously so. Broadcasters tell us, as they told the FCC, the
contrary. See Brief for Former FCC Commissioners as
Amici
Curiae 17–19; App. 235–237; Joint Comments of Fox Television
Stations, Inc. et al.,
In re Remand of Section III.B
of the Commission’s March 15, 2006 Omnibus Order Resolving Numerous
Broadcast Television Indecency Complaints 14–15,
http://www.fcc.gov/DA06–1739/joint-networks.pdf (all Internet
materials as visited Apr. 7, 2009, and available in Clerk of
Court’s case file). They told the FCC, for example, that the costs
of bleeping/delay systems, up to $100,000 for installation and
annual operation, place that technology beyond the financial reach
of many smaller independent local stations. See
id., at 14
(“The significant equipment and personnel costs associated with
installing, maintaining, and operating delay equipment sufficient
to cover all live news, sports, and entertainment programs could
conceivably exceed the net profits of a small local station for an
entire year”);
id., at App. XI. And they ask what the FCC
thinks will happen when a small local station without bleeping
equipment wants to cover, say a local city council meeting, a high
school football game, a dance contest at community center, or a
Fourth of July parade.
Relevant literature supports the broadcasters’
financial claims. See,
e.g., Ho, Taking No Chances, Austin
American-Statesman, June 18, 2006, p. J1; Dotinga, Dirty-Word
Filters Prove Costly, Wired.com, July 9, 2004, http://www.
wired.com/entertainment/music/news/2004/07/64127; Stations, Cable
Networks Finding Indecency Rules Expensive, Public Broadcasting
Report, Aug. 4, 2006. It also indicates that the networks with
which some small stations are affiliated are not liable for the
stations’ local transmissions (unless the networks own them). Ho,
supra, at J1; Public Stations Fear Indecency Fine Jump
Means Premium Hikes, Public Broadcasting Report, July 7, 2006. The
result is that smaller stations, fearing “fleeting expletive” fines
of up to $325,000, may simply cut back on their coverage. See
Romano, Reporting Live. Very Carefully, Broadcasting & Cable,
July 4, 2005, p. 8; see also
ibid. (“Afraid to take
chances” of getting fined under the FCC’s new policy, “local
broadcasters are responding by altering—or halting altogether—the
one asset that makes local stations so valuable to their
communities: live TV”); Daneman, WRUR Drops Its Live Radio
Programs, Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, May 27, 2004, p. 1B
(reporting that a local broadcast station ceased broadcasting all
local live programming altogether in response to the Commission’s
policy change). And there are many such smaller stations. See,
e.g., Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Frequently
Asked Questions, available at http://
www.cpb.org/aboutpb/faq/stations.html (noting there are over 350
local public television stations and nearly 700 local public radio
stations that receive support from the Corporation for Public
Broadcasting).
As one local station manager told the FCC,
“[t]o lessen the risk posed by the new legal
framework … I have directed [the station’s] news staff that [our
station] may no longer provide live, direct-to-air coverage” of
“live events where crowds are present … unless they affect matters
of public safety or convenience. Thus, news coverage by [my
station] of live events where crowds are present essentially will
be limited to civil emergencies.” App. 236–237 (declaration of
Dennis Fisher).
What did the FCC say in response
to this claim? What did it say about the likely impact of the new
policy on the coverage that its new policy is most likely to
affect, coverage of
local live events—city council
meetings, local sports events, community arts productions, and the
like? It said nothing at all.
The plurality acknowledges that the Commission
entirely failed to discuss this aspect of the regulatory problem.
But it sees “no need” for discussion in light of its,
i.e., the plurality’s, own “doubt[s]” that “small-town
broadcasters run a heightened risk of liability for indecent
utterances” as a result of the change of policy.
Ante, at
24–25. The plurality's “doubt[s]” rest upon its views (1) that
vulgar expression is less prevalent (at least among broadcast
guests) in smaller towns,
ante, at 24; (2) that the
greatest risk the new policy poses for “small-town broadcasters”
arises when they broadcast local “news and public affairs,”
ibid., and (3) that the
Remand Order says “little
about how the Commission would treat smaller broadcasters who
cannot afford screening equipment,” while also pointing out that
the new policy “ ‘does not … impose undue burdens on
broadcasters’ ” and emphasizing that the case before it did
not involve “ ‘breaking news.’ ”
Ante, at
24–25.
As to the first point, about the prevalence of
vulgarity in small towns, I confess ignorance. But I do know that
there are independent stations in many large and medium sized
cities. See Television & Cable Factbook, Directory of
Television Stations in Operation 2008. As to the second point, I
too believe that coverage of local public events, if not news, lies
at the heart of the problem.
I cannot agree with the plurality, however,
about the critical third point, namely that the new policy
obviously provides smaller independent broadcasters with adequate
assurance that they will not be fined. The new policy removes the
“fleeting expletive” exception, an exception that assured smaller
independent stations that they would not be fined should someone
swear at a public event. In its place, it puts a policy that places
all broadcasters at risk when they broadcast fleeting expletives,
including expletives uttered at public events. The
Remand
Order says that there “is
no outright news exemption from
our indecency rules.” 21 FCC Rcd., at 13327, ¶71 (emphasis
added). The best it can provide by way of assurance is to say that
“it
may be inequitable to hold a licensee responsible for
airing offensive speech during live coverage of a public event
under some circumstances.”
Id., at 13311, ¶33
(emphasis added). It does list those circumstances as including the
“possibility of human error in using delay equipment.”
Id., at 13313, ¶35. But it says
nothing about a
station’s
inability to afford delay equipment (a matter
that in individual cases could itself prove debatable). All the FCC
had to do was to
consider this matter and either grant an
exemption or explain why it did not grant an exemption. But it did
not. And the result is a rule that may well chill coverage—the kind
of consequence that the law has considered important for decades,
to which the broadcasters pointed in their arguments before the
FCC, and which the FCC nowhere discusses. See,
e.g.,
Dombrowski v.
Pfister,
380 U. S. 479, 494
(1965) (“So long as the statute remains available to the State the
threat of prosecutions of protected expression is a real and
substantial one. Even the prospect of ultimate failure of such
prosecutions by no means dispels their chilling effect on protected
expression”); see also
Ashcroft v.
Free Speech
Coalition,
535
U. S. 234, 244 (2002);
Gibson v.
Florida
Legislative Investigation Comm.,
372 U. S. 539, 556–557
(1963);
Wieman v.
Updegraff,
344 U. S. 183, 195
(1952) (Frankfurter, J., concurring).
Had the FCC used traditional administrative
notice-and-comment procedures, 5 U. S. C. §553, the two
failures I have just discussed would clearly require a court to
vacate the resulting agency decision. See
ACLU v.
FCC, 823 F. 2d 1554, 1581 (CADC 1987) (“Notice and comment
rulemaking procedures obligate the FCC to respond to
all
significant comments, for the opportunity to comment is meaningless
unless the agency responds to significant points raised by the
public” (emphasis added; internal quotation marks omitted)). Here
the agency did not make new policy through the medium of notice and
comment proceedings. But the same failures here—where the policy is
important, the significance of the issues clear, the failures near
complete—should lead us to the same conclusion. The agency’s
failure to discuss these two “important aspect[s] of the problem”
means that the resulting decision is “ ‘arbitrary, capricious,
an abuse of discretion’ ” requiring us to remand the matter to
the agency.
State Farm, 463 U. S., at 43;
Overton
Park, 401 U. S., at 416.
III
The three reasons the FCC did set
forth in support of its change of policy cannot make up for the
failures I have discussed. Consider each of them. First, as I have
pointed out, the FCC based its decision in part upon the fact that
“bleeping/delay systems” technology has advanced. I have already
set forth my reasons for believing that that fact, without more,
cannot provide a sufficient justification for its policy change.
Supra, at 11–16.
Second, the FCC says that the
expletives here in question always invoke a coarse excretory or
sexual image; hence it makes no sense to distinguish between
whether one uses the relevant terms as an expletive or as a literal
description. The problem with this answer is that it does not help
to justify the
change in policy. The FCC was aware of the
coarseness of the “image” the first time around. See,
e.g.,
Remand Order, 21 FCC Rcd., at 13308, ¶23
(asserting that FCC has always understood the words as coarse and
indecent). And it explained the first time around why it
nonetheless distinguished between their literal use and their use
as fleeting expletives. See,
e.g.,
In re Application
of WGBH Educ. Foundation, 69 F. C. C. 2d
,
at 1254–1255, ¶¶10–11 (discussing First Amendment considerations
and related need to avoid reduced broadcast coverage). Simply to
announce that the words, whether used descriptively or as
expletives, call forth similar “images” is not to address those
reasons.
Third, the FCC said that “perhaps” its “most
importan[t]” justification for the new policy lay in the fact that
its new “contextual” approach to fleeting expletives is better and
more “[c]onsistent with” the agency’s “general approach to
indecency” than was its previous “categorica[l]” approach, which
offered broadcasters virtual immunity for the broadcast of fleeting
expletives.
Remand Order,
supra, at 13308, ¶23.
This justification, however, offers no support for the change
without an understanding of
why, i.e.,
in what
way, the FCC considered the new approach better or more
consistent with the agency’s general approach.
The Solicitor General sets forth one way in
which the new policy might be more consistent with statutory
policy. The indecency statute prohibits the broadcast of “any …
indecent … language.” 18 U. S. C. §1464. The very point of the
statute, he says, is to eliminate nuisance; and the use of
expletives, even once, can constitute such a nuisance. The
Solicitor General adds that the statutory word “any” indicates that
Congress did not intend a safe-harbor for a fleeting use of that
language. Brief for Petitioners 24–25. The fatal flaw in this
argument, however, lies in the fact that the Solicitor General and
not the agency has made it. We must consider the lawfulness of an
agency’s decision on the basis of the reasons the agency gave, not
on the basis of those it
might have given.
SEC v.
Chenery Corp.,
332 U. S. 194, 196–197
(1947);
State Farm, supra, at 50. And the FCC did not make
this claim. Hence, we cannot take it into account and need not
evaluate its merits.
In fact, the FCC found that the new policy was
better in part because, in its view, the new policy better protects
children against what it described as “ ‘the first
blow’ ” of broadcast indecency that results from the
“ ‘pervasive’ ” nature of broadcast media. It wrote that
its former policy of “granting an automatic exemption for ‘isolated
or fleeting’ expletives unfairly forces viewers (including
children) to take ‘the first blow.’ ”
Remand Order,
supra, at 13309, ¶25.
The difficulty with this argument, however, is
that it does not explain the
change. The FCC has long used
the theory of the “first blow” to justify its regulation of
broadcast indecency. See,
e.g.,
In re Enforcement of
Prohibitions Against Broadcast Indecency in 18 U. S. C.
§1464, 5 FCC Rcd. 5297, 5302, ¶¶34–35 (1990). Yet the FCC has
also long followed its original “fleeting expletives” policy. Nor
was the FCC ever unaware of the fact to which the majority points,
namely that children’s surroundings influence their behavior. See,
e.g., In re Enforcement of Prohibitions Against
Broadcast Indecency in 18 U. S. C. §1464, 8 FCC Rcd. 704,
706, ¶11 (1993). So, to repeat the question: What, in respect to
the “first blow,” has changed?
The FCC points to no empirical (or other)
evidence to demonstrate that it previously understated the
importance of avoiding the “first blow.” Like the majority, I do
not believe that an agency must always conduct full empirical
studies of such matters.
Ante, at 15–16. But the FCC could
have referred to, and explained, relevant empirical studies that
suggest the contrary. One review of the empirical evidence, for
example, reports that “[i]t is doubtful that children under the age
of 12 understand sexual language and innuendo; therefore it is
unlikely that vulgarities have any negative effect.” Kaye &
Sapolsky, Watch Your Mouth! An Analysis of Profanity Uttered by
Children on Prime-Time Television, 2004 Mass Communication &
Soc’y 429, 433 (Vol. 7) (citing two studies). The Commission need
not have accepted this conclusion. But its failure to discuss this
or any other such evidence, while providing no empirical evidence
at all that favors its position, must weaken the logical force of
its conclusion. See
State Farm, 463 U. S.
, at 43
(explaining that an agency’s failure to “examine the relevant data”
is a factor in determining whether the decision is
“arbitrary”).
The FCC also found the new policy better
because it believed that its prior policy “would as a matter of
logic permit broadcasters to air expletives at all hours of a day
so long as they did so one at a time.”
Remand Order, 21
FCC Rcd., at 13309, ¶25. This statement, however, raises an obvious
question: Did that happen? The FCC’s initial “fleeting expletives”
policy was in effect for 25 years. Had broadcasters during those 25
years aired a series of expletives “one at a time?” If so, it
should not be difficult to find evidence of that fact. But the FCC
refers to none. Indeed, the FCC did not even claim that a change
had taken place in this respect. It spoke only of the pure “logic”
of the initial policy “permitting” such a practice. That logic
would have been apparent to anyone, including the FCC, in 1978 when
the FCC set forth its initial policy.
Finally, the FCC made certain statements that
suggest it did not believe it was changing prior policy in any
major way. It referred to that prior policy as based on “staff
letters and dicta” and it said that at least one of the instances
before it (namely, the Cher broadcast) would have been actionably
indecent under that prior policy.
Id., at 13306–13307,
13324, ¶¶20–21, 60. As we all agree, however, in fact the FCC did
change its policy in a major way. See
ante, at 13. To the
extent that the FCC minimized that fact when considering the
change, it did not fully focus on the fact of change. And any such
failure would make its decision still less supportable. See
National Cable, 545 U. S., at 981.
IV
Were the question a closer one,
the doctrine of constitutional avoidance would nonetheless lead me
to remand the case. See
United States v.
Jin Fuey
Moy,
241 U. S.
394, 401 (1916) (“A statute must be construed, if fairly
possible, so as to avoid not only the conclusion that it is
unconstitutional but also
grave doubts upon that score”
(emphasis added)). That doctrine seeks to avoid unnecessary
judicial consideration of constitutional questions, assumes that
Congress, no less than the Judicial Branch, seeks to act within
constitutional bounds, and thereby diminishes the friction between
the branches that judicial holdings of unconstitutionality might
otherwise generate. See
Almendarez-Torres v.
United
States,
523 U.
S. 224, 237–238 (1998); see also
Solid Waste Agency of
Northern Cook Cty. v.
Army Corps of Engineers,
531 U. S. 159,
172–173 (2001);
Edward J. DeBartolo Corp. v.
Florida
Gulf Coast Building & Constr. Trades Council,
485 U. S. 568, 575
(1988);
Rescue Army v.
Municipal Court of Los
Angeles,
331 U.
S. 549, 571 (1947);
Ashwander v.
TVA,
297 U. S. 288,
345–348 (1936) (Brandeis, J., concurring). The doctrine assumes
that Congress would prefer a less-than-optimal interpretation of
its statute to the grave risk of a constitutional holding that
would set the statute entirely aside. See
Almendarez-Torres,
supra, at 238 (construction of
statute that avoids invalidation best reflects congressional will);
cf.
United States v.
Booker,
543 U. S. 220, 249, 267
(2005).
Unlike the majority, I can find
no convincing reason for refusing to apply a similar doctrine here.
The Court has often applied that doctrine where an agency’s
regulation relies on a plausible but constitutionally suspect
interpretation of a statute. See,
e.g.,
Solid Waste
Agency, supra, at 172–174;
NLRB v.
Catholic
Bishop of Chicago,
440 U. S. 490, 506–507
(1979). The values the doctrine serves apply whether the agency’s
decision does, or does not, rest upon a constitutionally suspect
interpretation of a statute. And a remand here would do no more
than ask the agency to reconsider its policy decision in light of
the concerns raised in a judicial opinion. Cf.
Fullilove
v.
Klutznick,
448 U. S. 448, 551
(1980) (Stevens, J., dissenting) (a holding that a congressional
action implicating the Equal Protection Clause “was not adequately
preceded by a consideration of less drastic alternatives or
adequately explained by a statement of legislative purpose would be
far less intrusive than a final determination that the substance
of” that action was unconstitutional). I would not now foreclose,
as the majority forecloses, our further consideration of this
matter. (Of course, nothing in the Court’s decision today prevents
the Commission from reconsidering its current policy in light of
potential constitutional considerations or for other reasons.)
V
In sum, the FCC’s explanation of
its change leaves out two critically important matters underlying
its earlier policy, namely
Pacifica and local broadcasting
coverage. Its explanation rests upon three considerations
previously known to the agency (“coarseness,” the “first blow,” and
running single expletives all day, one at a time). With one
exception, it provides no empirical or other information explaining
why those considerations, which did not justify its new policy
before, justify it now. Its discussion of the one exception
(technological advances in bleeping/delay systems), failing to take
account of local broadcast coverage, is seriously incomplete.
I need not decide whether one or
two of these features, standing alone, would require us to remand
the case. Here all come together. And taken together they suggest
that the FCC’s answer to the question, “Why change?” is, “We like
the new policy better.” This kind of answer, might be perfectly
satisfactory were it given by an elected official. But when given
by an agency, in respect to a major change of an important policy
where much more might be said, it is not sufficient.
State
Farm, 463 U. S., at 41–42
.
For these reasons I would find the FCC’s
decision “arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion,” 5 U.
S. C. §706(2)(A), requiring remand of this case to the FCC.
And I would affirm the Second Circuit’s similar determination.
With respect, I dissent.
Comments
Be the first to comment
Leave a Comment